Ali Kurdi and the dogs

Ibn Nuh al Qusi, writing in the fourteenth century, tells a humorous story about Ali Kurdi. Ali Kurdi lived mostly in Damascus throughout the 13th century. Because of his Diogenes-like life, he became an icon for storytellers. Ali Kurdi is traveling to Yemen with some Sufis in this particular story.

Ibn Nuh al Qusi (14th-century): 

The Sufis brought him some yoghurt and bread but he told his servant to feed it to the dogs. The Sufis said “Master 'Alī, you are feeding our food to the dogs! Shouldn't [that food] be for the Sufi?" He responded to them, “I did not criticize your food when you brought me something that does not actually belong to you. So I fed it to some of God's creatures that are truly in need of it."

The Non-Muslim literati in the Levant and Egypt

Regarding the state of the literati and other professions in these regions, al-Maqdisi is candid. Many misconceptions about the medieval Islamicate world stem from the assumption that the Muslim literati constituted the dominant intellectual and professional class across society throughout most of the Islamicate period.

One of the most striking features of the region's history is the enduring prominence of non-Muslims in many learned professions. Even after centuries of Muslim rule and despite the substantial financial incentives and opportunities for social advancement that conversion could provide, the rate of conversion among highly educated groups appears to have remained relatively low. Physicians, for example, continued to be disproportionately Christian and Jewish well into the late Ottoman period. This is particularly striking because these individuals stood to gain considerable material and social advantages simply by outwardly professing Islam, even without sincere belief, yet many nevertheless chose not to do so.

Al Maqdisi writes: 

The scribes here in Syria, as is the case in Egypt, are Christians, for the Muslims relying on their native knowledge of the Arabic tongue do not trouble to study it as foreigners do. When attending the assembly of the Chief of the Qadhis at Baghdad, I used to be ashamed at the blunders he made in speaking. However, this is not regarded as a blemish. The majority of the cambists, the dyers, bankers, and tanners of this province are Jews; while the physicians and the scribes are generally Christians.

Still Jerusalem has some disadvantages. Thus, it is reported as found written in the Torah, that 'Jerusalem is a golden basin filled with scorpions.' Then you will not find baths more filthy than those of the Holy City; nor in any place are the charges so heavy. The Christians and the Jews are predominant; and the mosque is void of either congregation or assembly of learned men.

The conversion process to Islam in Syria

The 10th-century geographer al-Maqdisi occasionally shifts his focus from the Muslim elites, an exceedingly small minority, to the general populace. It is in these often-neglected passages that we gain rare insight into the lives of ordinary people, where the slow process of conversion and the persistence of religious syncretism become visible:

But the people live ever in terror of the Greeks, who have driven many from their homes, and have devastated the outlying districts. Nor are the Syrians the equals of the Persians in either science, religion, or intelligence; some have become apostates, while others are paying tribute. They set obedience to created man before obedience to the Lord of Heaven. The populace, too, is ignorant and seditious, and the Syrian people show neither zeal for holy war, nor resentment against enemies.

His remark that "some have become apostates" suggests that communities could "leave Islam" with relative ease. If apostasy was common enough to warrant comment, it may imply that conversion had not yet produced a deep or enduring religious commitment. Yet I think this explanation is too simplistic. Al-Maqdisi, like many other Muslim authors, writes as though these communities had once possessed a meaningful attachment and assent to Islamic belief, with apostasy representing a genuine abandonment of islamic beliefs. I am not convinced that this assumption is warranted. Rather, these accounts appear to be describing communities whose political allegiance shifted to a rival power of a different religion. In other words, medieval Muslim authors may have classified populations as "Muslim" not because they met even the minimal doctrinal requirements of Islam, but because they were politically incorporated into the Muslim sphere, receptive to Islamic influence, refrained from sustained resistance, and were regarded as politically domesticated. From this perspective, what authors called "apostasy" may often have reflected a change in political orientation more than the renunciation of Islamic beliefs, which was never there to begin with.

Kurds vs Mongols: Mongols imitating Kurds

Following the uprising in the city, the Kurdish soldiers of Mosul resisted the Mongols for a considerable amount of time, according to the historian of the Ilkhanate from the 14th century, Fadlullah. The Mongols came up with a deceitful plan after their attempt to capture Mosul failed. The Mosulis were awaiting reinforcement from Kurdish forces coming from Syria. In order to entice some Mosulis to meet them, the Mongols dressed like Syrian Kurdish forces:

The Mongol troops arrived and camped in the environs of the city, throwing up a chapar [stockade]. On both sides catapults were constructed, and battle began. The citizens started fighting at Salih's word, and from both side catapult stones and arrows rained down. A troop of Kurds fought bravely, and for nearly a month the furnace of war blazed hot. One day eighty Mongol champions got up on the walls, but the Mosulis killed them all and, embold-ened by this victory, threw their heads from the ramparts into the midst of the Mongol army. Then they put on Syrian garments, let their hair down Kurdish style, and set out for Mosul. Sandaghu was informed that they would arrive the next morning with the booty they had taken in their victory.

The next day, when they were near, the people of the city, thinking they were Syrians coming to help them, went out to greet them rejoicing. The Mongol army surrounded them on all sides and left not a single one alive.

Reconsidering the cause of migration: Kurds at sea in the Fatimid Caliphate

From the tenth to the twelfth centuries, the Fatimid navy ranked among the most formidable maritime forces in the Mediterranean. Although the surviving evidence is limited, several references preserved in Mamluk-era sources invite a reassessment of Kurdish migration to Egypt during the Fatimid period.

These texts suggest that Kurds, alongside Turks, once served in the Fatimid fleet. This complicates the conventional narrative, which tends to associate the beginning of Kurdish presence in Egypt with the political expansion of the Zengids and Ayyubids, often accompanied by assumptions about the commitments to Sunni orthodoxy. 

Like many military and administrative elites of the medieval Middle East, migrant Kurdish groups frequently pursued opportunity, patronage, and advancement across political and sectarian boundaries. Their allegiances were often shaped by practical considerations as far as one can tell from the historical evidence and not ideological commitments. In this regard, service under the Fatimids would not be an anomaly but rather part of a broader pattern of political and military mobility.

al-Umari writes:

Following were the Factions of Men (tawā'if al-rijāl): the Maşāmida; the Rayḥāniyya; the Juyūshiyya; the Furanjiyya, and the Wazīriyya. They moved consecutively and were numerous in number for they were more than 4000 men. Then [marched] the bearers of the standards (ashāb al-rāyāt) and [the standards with] the two lions. Then [they were followed by] the factions of soldiers (tawā'if al-'asākir): the Amiriyya; the Hafiziyya; the Elder Guards of the Barracks (al-hujariyya al-kibār); the Young Guards of the Barracks (al-hujariyya al-şighār); the Afdaliyya; the Juyūshiyya; the Turks who were under patronage (muştana ūn); the Daylam; the Kurds; the Ghuzz who were under patronage (muştana'a), and others. These [factions] comprised more than 3000 horsemen.

Settled Kurdish villagers vs semi-nomads in premodern history

The Hamawand tribe serves as an example of why it is not appropriate to extrapolate the frequency of tribal appearances from the sources. Despite being a small tribe in terms of numbers, the Hamawands were able to resist two empires. The premodern sources have led to an unjustified assumption that the percentage of the population that was semi-nomadic was significantly higher than what could be supported by the unreliable impressions of the primary sources. 

What the counter-claim is about has to be clarified. Consider the 14th century as an arbitrary premodern time period. I'm not saying we know what proportion of the premodern Kurdish population was semi-nomadic versus settled. The modest counterclaim is comprised of three considerations:

1. The actual proportion of settled vs semi-nomadic is unknown to us. bad sources. 

2. I believe that the premodern sources overlook the rural population as a whole.

3. Semi-nomadic tribes were far more interesting to sources for reasons that's not necessarily about their real size. 

The idea that the shift from nomadic to sedentary lifestyles proceeds in a straight line is another premise underlying the assertion of semi-nomadic dominance. Even though this isn't a very excellent article, there is still a clear and insightful section about how important these two ways of life were to the local populace. In difficult times, settled communities did transition to semi-nomadism, and in better times, they made permanent settlements. The progression is not linear for premodern history.

For observers such as Hay, who spent considerable time among the Kurds, this was a fairly straightforward observation. Another important assumption underlying the stereotype of the predominantly semi-nomadic Kurd is a misunderstanding of what tribal affiliation actually meant.

According to tribal tradition, membership in a Kurdish tribe is often traced to descent from a common ancestor. For relatively small groups such as the Hamawand tribe, this popular understanding of tribal identity may be reasonably accurate. It becomes far less plausible, however, when applied to large tribal confederations or to tribes whose prestige and political influence attracted new adherents.

Many major Kurdish tribes explicitly acknowledged that they were confederations rather than strictly genealogical units. The evidence suggests that populations living under the authority, protection, or influence of powerful tribes gradually came to identify themselves with the tribal name. In such cases, settled cultivators and villagers could become members of a tribe without sharing a close genealogical connection to its ruling lineage.

This process helps explain the emergence of tribal subgroups. Certain branches represented the dominant lineage and claimed common ancestry, while others consisted of populations incorporated into the tribe over time through political, military, or social affiliation. Tribal identity was therefore often as much a political and social reality as a genealogical one.

Additional evidence against the notion of an overwhelmingly nomadic Kurdish society can be found in the historical record itself indirectly. Some tribes conventionally portrayed as semi-nomadic are described in the sources as having mixed members. The Jaff provide a notable example. Some of the earliest written accounts characterize segments of the tribe as semi-nomadic, while other contemporary sources describe members of the same tribe as settled.

The conclusion is therefore relatively uncontroversial. The most plausible estimate is that Kurdish society consisted of a substantial settled rural population alongside a substantial semi-nomadic one. Neither element can be reduced to a marginal role; both formed significant components of the overall population.

Hay writes: 

There is this big difference between the Kurd and the Arab, that whereas in the majority of cases the Arab is nomadic by choice and cannot be persuaded to settle, the Kurd, a pastoral race, is nomadic from necessity or by force of habit, and will readily settle when he sees it will pay him to do so. A TRIBE is a community or confederation of com-munities which exists for the protection of its members against external aggression, and for the maintenance of the old racial customs and standards of life. Some tribes have no recognised chief, some have many.

Almost every true Kurd, whether he lives in a town or a village, even though he is a member of no recognised tribe, will refer to himself as a tribesman, by which he means that he recognises tribal law and customs, and expects others to treat him as enjoying tribal rights. "Ashiratam," " I am a tribesman," is the equivalent of "Civis Romanus sum," or "I belong to a Trade Union "-a claim that must be respected.

Kurdish/Persian judge in Gorgan

A man who served as the judge of Gorgan is given an odd mix of attributions in a work by Abu Bakr al Ismaili from the tenth century. Abu Bakr al Ismaili claims that the judge's attributions were al Kurdi & al Farisi. Why is this holy mystery occurring? How could a man be Kurdish and Persian at the same time? Was he mixed? Nothing I've looked at suggests that's the answer. The proper response appears to be that these two attributions were employed interchangeably, as we know from other examples. What's more intriguing is that this person was connected to Gorgan. Geographically, the Gorgan region was at the border between the Persian-speaking people of historical Khorasan and the "Pahlavi" speakers. I believe it's a really good hint as to why he was given the Kurd-label too:

...ʿAlī ibn Aḥmad al-Kurdī al-Fārisī, the qāḍī (judge) of Jurjān, Abū al-Ḥasan, narrated to us. He said: Abū Yūsuf Yaʿqūb ibn Sufyān narrated to us; he said...

The distinct ethnic boundaries had not yet became as rigid/fixed in the tenth century or later centuries. There were large areas that were without rigid ethnic labels. Inconsistencies in the labeling resulted from their unclear status in relation to a more fixed ethnic identity.

Source on the extinct language of Gorgan: https://www.academia.edu/8074693/_The_Extinct_Language_of_Gurgan_Its_Sources_and_Origins_

How do you know whether a Kurd is lying?

"How do you know whether a kurd is truthful or lying?" The question is regarded by some philosophers as the second most perplexing one. Hay served as an administrator and commander in the British Army. He was in Kurdistan from 1918 to 1920 for two years. He had to write about the philosophical riddle, as was to be expected:

A common form of settlement for a dispute is by oath. If A has accused B of stealing his donkey, and cannot adduce sufficient proof to secure a conviction, he can call upon B to swear that he has not taken the animal. If B refuses to swear, he is the guilty party; if he takes the prescribed oath, the case is dropped. An arbitrator in a case may call upon either of the parties to take a similar oath.

There are several forms for an oath. The commonest practice is to swear by the Name of God, "Wallahi, Billahi, Tillahi." To make it more impressive this oath may be sworn on the Quran. The Kurd, however, is a trained liar, and will perjure himself several times in a day. One of them once said to me, "As soon as a Kurd starts swearing, disbelieve him." If a man says, "By God and His Prophet, by the Holy Quran, by all my ancestors and the head of my father, I was not in the village the day the donkey was stolen," one may be pretty sure he was there the whole time. If, however, he plucks the left side of his coat with his right hand and shakes it saying, " I have heard, but I am not sure, I wouldn't swear an oath to it, that Qadir sold his land to Rashid Agha ten days ago for fifty pounds," there is little doubt that he is speaking the truth.

The social setting of Kurdish Khanaqas

Sufi gathering spots no longer symbolize what they formerly stood for. With the rise of modern schooling, such kind of social environment vanished and did not persist into the twenty-first century. Hemin Mukryani was among those who witnessed the final moments of that social environment:

In those years khanaqa was densely populated. People could freely visit khanaqa. The disparity between its inhabitants was negligible [...] it was like Noah's Ark. There were people from different ethnicities. Wanderers, socially isolated, worshippers, Muslim, mullah, Sayyed, learned, educated, robber, thief, illiterate, crazy, idle, disabled, blind, limping and even atheist all lived together under the same roof. Afghanis, Persians, Turks, Azeris and even Indians could be seen there. [There were] Kurds with their own dialects from different parts of Kurdistan. Men who later became well-known such as Fauzi, Saifi Qazi, Peshawa Qazi Muhammad [the head of the Kurdistan Republic of 1946], haji mullah Muhammad Sharafkandi, 'Ali khan Amiri, and especially the literate aghas of Faizulabegi visited khanaqa and stayed for several months.

Gorani Kurds in the Arabic sources

The Ilkhanate's dominance over Iran appears to be closely related to the growing use of the Kurani (Gorani) attribution in Arabic sources, which is connected to specific individuals in the arabic sources. A portion of the warrior/literati class moved to the Mamluk sultanate. As demonstrated by Husayn ibn al Kurani, the governor of Cairo, they carried on with their careers in the Mamluk sultanate: 

ثم طلب بطا حسين بن الكوراني في الإسطبل، فلما طلع أراد المماليك الظاهرية قتله لقبح ما فعل فيهم، فشفع فيه سودون النائب. ثم خلع عليه بطا وأعاده إلى ولاية القاهرة وأمره بتحصيل المنطاشية، فنزل في الحال ونادى من قبض على مملوك منطاشي أو أشرفي فله كذا وكذا

792 AH, after 04/02 Buță then summoned Husayn ibn al-Kūrānī to the Stables; when the latter arrived the mamlūks zāhirīya wished to kill him because of his illtreatment of them. Sūdūn the viceroy, however, interceded for him, and Butā investing him with a robe reappointed him wālī of Cairo with orders to round up the adherents of Mințāsh...

It is also fascinating to trace new patterns emerging in the primary sources. What explains the growing prevalence of the nisba al-Kūrānī during and after the Mamluk period? One possible conclusion is that it reflects a relatively new development. Prior to the Mamluk era, notable figures identified as "Goranis" are exceedingly difficult to locate in the historical record.

This interpretation is strengthened by the urban scholarly networks with which these "Gorani" figures were associated. Moreover, the alternative attributions attached to these individuals, typically references to prominent cities, regions, or other established identifiers, were precisely the kinds of nisbas that predominated before the Mamluk period for many prominent figures without the usage of "al Kurani". What changes is that the range of attributions appearing in the sources becomes increasingly restricted, allowing al-Kūrānī to emerge as a more prominent marker of identity.

The designations al-ʿAjamī and al-Ardabīlī, for example, illustrate what would likely have been the conventional attributions for two Mamluk-era figures otherwise known by the Gorani marker. In other words, many communities that later appear in the sources as Kurdish were often not classified as such in earlier periods. Rather than representing a timeless and unchanging category, Kurdish identification in the historical record frequently reflects evolving patterns of classification and self-representation that became more visible only in later centuries.

Two examples from the premodern arabic biographies:  

1. ʿAbd Allāh ibn ʿUmar ibn ʿAlī ibn Khaḍir al-Kurdī, al-Kūrānī, better known as al-ʿAjamī.

2. ʿAbd Allāh ibn Muḥammad ibn Ḥasan ibn Khaḍir al-Ardabīlī al-Kūrānī al-Shāfiʿī, known as Jamāl al-Dīn, was one of the distinguished scholars of the rational sciences. He held the position of shaykh of the Saʿīd al-Suʿadāʾ Khānqāh and taught Qurʾānic exegesis at the Muẓhariyya. He died in the year 894 AH (1489 CE).

Kurdish attitude to hot weather in the Indian subcontinent

Additional information on the migrant population of the Zig tribe can be found in an 18th-century work by a Mughal historian. Among the details he records is the long-standing Kurdish aversion to hot climates, a recurring theme in sources concerning Kurdish migrants. Premodern Kurds who relocated to places such as Baghdad often described the heat in terms that made it seem scarcely preferable to hell itself.

It is therefore understandable why the Mughal emperor found it necessary to accommodate the Kurdish man's delicate constitution. On this matter, compromise was apparently not an option:

His father was Ganj 'Ali K. Zīg, which is a Kurdish tribe. He was an old servant of Shah 'Abbās Māzī ('Abbas the Ist). In the time of Shah Abbās' childhood and when he was living at Herat, Ganj 'Alī was a head servant, and during his reign, by good ser-vice and courage-which he showed during the Uzbeg interregnum in battles with that tribe-he attained to high rank, and received the title of Arjmand Bābā (honoured father) and for nearly thirty years was ruler of Kerman. He always showed the notes of justice and subject-cherishing. When the Shah in the time of Jahangir besieged Qandahar and after 45 days took it from 'Abdul-1-'Az-īz K. Naqshbandi, he made over the government to him. One night in the year 1034, 1625, he was sleeping in the verandah of the citadel of Qandahar on a couch which rested against the verandah railing. The railing gave way, and he between sleep and waking fell down, without any one's noticing it. After a while some of his servants came upon him and found him dead. The Shah gave his son 'Ali Mardan K. the title of Khan and made him governor of Qandahar and called him Bābā 'Şānī (Bābā the 2nd).

After the Shah's death, and when the sovereignty came to Shah Safi his grandson, the latter, on unfounded suspicions, degraded many of the Shah Abbāsi officers. Ali Mardān got frightened and considered that his safety lay in joining Shah Jahan, and wrote and spoke to S'aid K. the governor of Kabul. He also set about strengthening the walls and bastions, and made a fort on the top of the Koh Lakah-which is part of the fortress of Qandahar, and finished it in forty days. When the Shah heard this he resolved to destroy him, and in the first place sent for his eldest son. 'Ali Mardān was obliged to send him, but when after that the Shah put to death every one whom he suspected he threw off the mask. The Shah despatched Sīyāwash Qul-lar-aqāsī who had been sent to Mashhad-against him. Ali Mardān K. sent a petition to Shah Jahan to the effect that the Shah was seeking his life and requested that the king would send one of his officers in order that he might make over the fortress and come to court.

In the 11th year 1047, 1637-38, S'aid K. the governor of Kabul, Qulij K. the governor of Lahore, as well as the governor of Ghaznin and Bhakar and Siwistan, went, in accordance with orders, to Qandahar. When S'aid K. arrived before Qulīj K. he perceived that as long as Sīyāwash was in the neighbourhood of Qandahar, the people would not be properly submissive. In concert with 'Ali Mardān-his whole force being 8000 horse-he at the distance of one farsakh (league) from Qandahar attacked Sīyāwash who 1 had 5 or 6000 horse. A great battle took place, and the Persians fled, and did not turn rein till they had got to their camp on the other side of the Arghandab river. S'aid K. did not give them time to halt there, but went against them, and they left their baggage and evacuated the place. The heroes spent the night in the Persians' tents, took all the property and returned to Qandahar. On the arrival of Qulīj K., who had been appointed governor of Qanda-har, 'Ali Mardan went off to the Presence, and in the 12th year he kissed the threshold in Lahore. As before he arrived he had been made a panjhazārī zāt u sawār (holder of 5000 with 5000 horse) and had received a flag and drum, he was on this day made an officer of 6000 with 6000 horse, and was given the mansion of I'timādu-d-daulah which now belonged to the government. Ten of his leading servants received suitable positions. And out of special grace, 'Ali Mardān who was accustomed to the climate of Persia, and could not stand the heat of India, was made governor of Kashmir. At the time of the royal standard's proceeding to Kabul, 'Alī Mardān took leave to his post, and when in the begin-ning of the 13th year 1049, 1639-40, Lahore became the royal residence, 'Ali Mardān was summoned from Kashmir and made an officer of 7000 with 7000 horse, and in spite of his being governor of Kashmir, he was also made governor of the Panjab, so that he might by winter quarters and summer quarters pass the hot and cold seasons in comfort. In the 14th year, 1050, he was made governor of Kabul in succession to S'ald K. In the 16th year-when the royal residence was in Agra-he was summoned there and received the high title of Amiru-l-Umarā, the present of a kror of dams and the gift of I'tiqad K.'s house, which was the finest mansion that officers of high rank had erected on the bank of the Jumna, and which at the king's request I'tiqād had presented as peshkash. Thereafter 'Ali Mardān received permission to return to Kabul.

In the 18th year Tardi 'Ali Qatghan, the guardian of Subhān Quli K. the son of Nazr Muhammad K.-who had been appointed by Nazr Muhammad to the charge of Kahmard and its neighbour-hood in succession to Ilangtosh (Yālāngtosh)- wickedly attacked the Baluchis living in Zamīndāwar and plundered some of the Hazārī tribes who dwelt on the bank of the Helmand. He then halted twenty kos from Bamian with the intention of making another attack when an opportunity offered. Ali Mardān sent Farīdūn and Farhad, who were his confidential servants, against, him, and they marching quickly fell upon the Uzbeg encampment. Qatghan after some struggle took to flight. His wife and some of his kins-men, and all his property were seized, and in the same year the Amiru-l-Umarā came to court and obtained leave to go and con-quer Badakhshān, where Nazr Muhammad had fallen out with his sons and servants. Aşālat K. Mir Bakhshi was appointed to accom-pany him. 'Ali Mardan K. in the 19th year sent an army from Kabul against Kahmard, and as there were few men in the fort, they fled without drawing the sword, and the fort was taken possession of. On hearing this the Amiru-l-Umarā left with the Kabul army. On the march it appeared that the Kahmard garri-son had, from cowardice, at the approach of the Uzbeg army, sur-rendered the fort, and been plundered by the Aimaqs and other tribes on their route. As under these circumstances it was, on account of the want of provisions and forage, difficult or rather impossible for the army to proceed, the recapture of the fort had to be put off to another time, and 'Ali Mardān turned his atten-tion to the taking of Badakhshan. When he came to Gulbihar, the thanadar of Panjshir (Daulat Beg), who knew the road, stated that it would be difficult for a large army to get thr ugh the defiles and passes. It would also be necessary to cross the Panjshir river in eleven places, which could not be done without bridging. Accordingly the Amiru-l-Umarā sent off Aşālat K. to attack Khin-jan. He went and came in sixteen days, and then went (with 'Alī Mardān) to Kabul. This going and coming at such a time when there was confusion in Türān did not please Shah Jahan.

In the same year, in the beginning of 1056, 1646, Prince Murad Bakhsh, 'Ali Mardān and others with 50,000 horse were appointed to take Balkh and Badakhshān and to chastise the Uzbegs and Almānān. As at this time Jannisār K. was sent off to Persia to offer condolences for the death of Shah Safi, and con-gratulations on the accession of 'Abbas the 2nd, a request was made to the latter for the sending of the Amiru-l-Umara's eldest son who was a hostage with the Shah. The Shah did not sever the links of old friendship but sent him. The Amiru-l-Umarā went off with Prince Murad Bakhsh by the route of the Tül (long) Pass. When they came to Sirāb, Sultan Khusrau, the second son of Nazr Muhammad, who was in charge of Qanduz, could not maintain his ground there on account of the predominance of the Almānān (robbers) and joined the prince. Afterwards when the prince came to Khulm, three stages from Balkh, he sent the king's letter to Nazr Muhammad, in which were comforting messages and an invitation to him to come in. He said in reply that the whole country belonged to the empire, and that he desired after doing homage to go to Mecca. But that it was likely that the Uzbegs in their wickedness would kill him and plunder his property. The Amiru-l-Umară went on rapidly with the prince to the Imam's. 

A "Qizilbash" manuscript

In a polemical Zazaki text dating to the late 18th or early 19th century, an Qizilbash (Alevi) author sheds light on the religious environment of Kurdish-populated areas. His work constitutes a rare witness to the persistence of syncretic traditions, featuring a particularly noteworthy passage on the adaptation of Islamic practices and narratives within syncretic religions. What was the function of the borrowing? 

If Qizilbash [Alevi] religion preserved a great many Islamic traditions in its literature, this is not a proof of a substantial Islamic part in the formation of the Qizilbash doctrine, but only of a Qizilbash urge to adapt and assimilate Islamic traditions to its own ideological concepts.

Cosmic significance of Crusade-Ayyubid wars?

During the protracted conflicts between the Ayyubids and the Crusaders, the 12th-century traveler Ibn Jubayr observed that daily life often continued much as usual for ordinary Muslims and Christians. His account serves as a reminder that many modern projections onto this period, whether Muslim or Christian, bear little resemblance to the realities experienced by the local population, for whom coexistence, trade, and routine concerns frequently mattered more than grand ideological struggles:

Any stranger in these parts whom God has rendered fit for solitude may, if he wishes, attach himself to a farm and live there the pleasantest life with the most contented mind. Bread in plenty will be given to him by the people people of the farm, and he may engage himself in the duties of an imam or in teach-ing, or what he will, and when he is wearied of the place, he may remove to another farm, or climb Mount Lebanon or Mount Judi and there find the saintly hermits who nothing seek but to please Great and Glorious God, and remain with them so long as he wishes, and then go where he wills. It is strange how the Christians round Mount Lebanon, when they see any Muslim hermits, bring them food and treat them kindly, saying that these men are dedicated to Great and Glorious God and that they should therefore share with them. This moun-tain is one of the most fertile in the world, having all kinds of fruits, running waters, and ample shade, and rarely is it without a hermit or an ascetic. And if the Christians treat the opponents of their religion in this fashion, what think you of the treatment that the Muslims give each other?

One of the astonishing things that is talked of is that though the fires of discord burn between the two parties, Muslim and Christian, two armies of them may meet and dispose them-selves in battle array, and yet Muslim and Christian travellers will come and go between them without interference. In this connection we saw at this time, that is the month of Jumada 'l-Ula, the departure of Saladin with all the Muslims troops to lay siege to the fortress of Kerak, one of the greatest of the Christian strongholds lying astride the Hejaz road and hinder-ing the overland passage of the Muslims. Between it and Jeru-salem lies a day's journey or a little more. It occupies the choicest part of the land in Palestine, and has a very wide dominion with continuous settlements, it being said that the number of villages reaches four hundred. This Sultan invested it, and put it to sore straits, and long long the siege lasted, but still the caravans passed successively from Egypt to Damascus, going through the lands of the Franks without impediment from them. In the same way the Muslims continuously journeyed from Damascus to Acre (through Frankish territory), and like-wise not one of the Christian merchants was stopped or hin-dered (in Muslim territories).

The Christians impose a tax on the Muslims in their land which gives them full security; and likewise the Christian mer-chants pay a tax upon their goods in Muslim lands. Agreement exists between them, and there is equal treatment in all cases. The soldiers engage themselves in their war, while the people are at peace and the world goes to him who conquers. Such is the usage in war of the people of these lands; and in the dispute existing between the Muslim Emirs and their kings it is the same, the subjects and the merchants interfering not. Security never leaves them in any circumstance, neither in peace nor in war. The state of these countries in this regard is truly more astonishing than our story can fully convey. May God by His favour exalt the word of Islam.

The spread of Madrasas in 17th-century Kurdistan

In Kurdish madrasas, it was customary for boys to begin their education at age seven. Evliya explains the 17th-century Badlis schools and provides information on their prevalence in a community such as Badlis. The description contains an interesting detail. Studies in the occult sciences are mentioned by Evliya. Descriptions from the 20th century color the idea of what was once learned in the premodern era, although there are great differences. 

Evliya Celebi (17th-century): 

The theological schools (medrese). They total houses of learning. First of all, Sultan Sheref medrese; Gök Meydan medrese, Versengi medrese, which is a shrine; Haci Beg medrese; Khatibiyye medrese. These are all pious works of former sultans, with imposing buildings and entrenched vakfs. But aside from these, each cami and mescid listed above has a medrese attached to it, with one or two sessions of free public instruction, so that every place of worship is full of students and all the religious sciences are cultivated. 

Their method is to memorize all the sciences, and for this reason the Kurdish Sorani ulema of Ardalan and those of Bitlis are famous, since the people are exceedingly intelligent. Aside from so many medreses, there are also several thousand individual cells (lit., "huts of sorrows") in which thousands of students pursue the various occult sciences. Primary schools. There are seventy schools for young boys learning their ABCs. The most elaborate of these is Sheref Khan school; then Khusrev Pasha school; Khatuniyye school; the Market school; Besharet Agha school.

Zinar's piece serves as a contrast. There are also historical precedents for the misleading impression. Presenting a "standard curriculum" is essentially what it comes down to. It is possible to draw the incorrect conclusion that certain books or genres were the only ones based on for example Zinar's piece on what the more modern madrasa taught. It was different during earlier times. 

https://www.scribd.com/document/229575514/Zinar-Medrese-Education

The Kurdish Haydari family: from Arabia to the Ottoman capital and a Safavid link

From family members established in Arabia to scholars active in the Ottoman capital, the Haydaris succeeded in maintaining a learned Kurdish dynasty for more than three centuries. This scholarly family first emerges in the written record during the sixteenth century. Owing in part to their reputation, Kurdistan itself acquired a degree of intellectual prestige during the Ottoman–Safavid era, attracting scholars and literati from the Ottoman capital and beyond.

The surviving manuscript record attests to the prominence of the Haydaris. The works of at least four members of the family are preserved in manuscript collections, although the surviving titles likely represent only a portion of their scholarly output. Together, these four early Haydaris authored more than thirty known works, preserved today in over 120 surviving manuscripts.

One intriguing feature of the early Haydaris is their attribution as al-Husaynabadi, a nisba that points to Husaynabad, the old capital of Ardalan. This suggests that the family resided in eastern Kurdistan during the sixteenth century before later relocating to southern Kurdistan.

An additional mystery surrounds the family's origins prior to the appearance of Mawlana Haydar, the earliest documented member of the dynasty. Early scribes and biographers allude to an earlier family history, and Mawlana Haydar himself is occasionally given the attribution al-Safawi. Regardless of how one interprets the testimony of these sources, it is noteworthy that several members of the Safavid imperial family are known to have lived among the Kurdish principalities. Given the proximity of the Safavid court to the Ardalan capital and the prominence of the dynasty, such an attribution would have been difficult to invent without challenge. It is also significant that the designation was employed by Sunni scribes and biographers.

While the evidence remains inconclusive, the possibility cannot be excluded that the earliest Haydaris were perhaps descended from the Safavid family. Of course, the attribution need not imply lineage; it may instead denote a connection to the Safavid polity, court, or sphere of influence.

The Medes during the Islamic conquests

Why were the Medes and Kurds linked in Armenian chronicles? Such a connection between 'the present' and the past, like this Lewond piece, is a tenable explanation. Lewond's use of "the Medes" in the eighth century isn't enough to make the connection. However, the additional information needed to piece together 1 + 1 would be readily available and evident to the medieval Armenian chronicles. 'Al Akrad' is the ethnonym used in Arabic sources to refer to the same underlying reality, including those lands and peoples. Armenians started to use "Kurds" to refer to the same group as they discovered that it's the wording other groups use. 

Lewond (8th-century): 

Mustawfi Qazvini's 14th-century description of Sharazur

Several theories, including humorism and the theory of climes, were applied to regions and countries in premodern writings. The Kurdish territories were traditionally categorized as belonging to the fourth clime of the inhabited world. Qazvini in the 14th-century writes: 

Shahrazūr. Of the Fourth Clime, in longitude 81° 20', and latitude 34° 20'. This town, of old, was called Nīm-Ardah, being the half way stage between Madain and the Fire-temple of Adharbayjan. It was built by king Qubad the Sassanian. In the Suwar-al-Aqālīm it is said that this place is named Shahr-zūr (City of Strength) because its governors are always of the Kurds, and he whose strength was greater became the governor.

Literacy rate in premodern Kurdistan (11th century-19th century)

Although many academics use the Ottoman census uncritically, particularly when estimating historical literacy rates, the literacy data itself is among the strongest indications that the census should be treated with caution. Conditions in the Middle East were almost certainly not as favorable as the figures suggest, nor even close to them. Nevertheless, despite its shortcomings, the census provides a useful starting point for what is arguably the first attempt to estimate the historical literacy rate of Kurdistan.

This represents the first attempt to estimate historical literacy rates in Kurdistan, as no previous study has addressed the subject in a systematic manner. A plausible estimate would place literacy somewhere between less than 1 percent of the population and as much as 10 percent of the male population, though the upper end of that range should be regarded as highly generous.

Literacy rates would have varied considerably depending on the dynasty and period in question. During some eras, particularly under the more prosperous Kurdish dynasties, study circles and educational institutions appear to have been relatively common, even in rural areas. It is tempting to assume a linear progression in which literacy steadily increased over time, but the historical evidence suggests a more complex picture.

Some of the earliest Kurdish dynasties flourished during periods of remarkable cultural and intellectual vitality. By contrast, later dynasties and eras may not have been able to establish or maintain educational institutions on the same scale as, for example, the Hasanwayhids. Political upheaval, demographic change, displacement, economic decline, and other historical contingencies could easily have led to lower literacy rates in certain later periods despite the passage of time.

Realizing the low literacy rate in the Middle East (despite the fantasy number of the Ottoman census), makes sense of the writings of many Kurdish intellectuals of the 19th century and the early 20th century. Their writings frequently addressed the value of education and literacy. Replicating the outcomes in the West was their aim. The first Kurdish newspaper (the Kurdistan newspaper) published this text in one of their articles:

I have always looked at our people; the Kurds and worried about them day and night; why most of the Kurds are removed from art and knowledge and why they are deprived of education, although they are talented and brave. These thoughts have been worrying me a lot but now for the common good, your newspaper is being published for the sake of Kurds.

Kurdish governors and commanders during the rule of Shah Tahmasp

The most significant governors and military leaders under Shah Tahmasp's rule are listed by Iskandar Beg Munshi, the Safavid chronicler. The majority of the list consists of Turkish governors and military leaders. The following (Kurds) were the second most prevalent: 

Officers of various Kurdish Tribes

Šaraf Khan Rūzakı, a descendant of the princes of Betlis, had been brought up under the tutelage of Shah Tahmasp and was governor of Tonakabon in Gilan; Kalil Sultan Siah-Manşür, governor of Sojās and Sürloq; Oğlan Būdağı Čeganı, governor of Kabūšan and Khora-san; Zangana, one of the emirs of Fars; Qelīj Kalifa Pāzükı, one of the emirs of Cokūr-e Sa'd; Timür Khan Ardalan, governor of Hasana-bad and Palangan; Shah Rostam Abbāsī and his brother Moham-madi, both governors of Lor-e Kūček. Shah Tahmasp divided this region between the two brothers: Shah Rostam received Kāva and Aleštar, and Mohammadı, Korramābād and the remaining regions. Mohammadı was guilty of an act of rebellion, but Shah Rostam was a loyal vassal.

Loyalty of Kurds during the Ottoman-Safavid wars

As a firsthand observer of the political calculations of the Kurdish rulers, Iskandar Beg offers a sobering perspective on whether or not the masses and Kurdish rulers were concerned about the religious identity of their adversary. The Ottoman/Safavid texts have numerous passages of this type about the lack of loyalty to "the Shiite or Sunni-side": 

A further incident which occurred this year was the arrival at the royal camp of Soleyman Beg Mahmudi, the governor of Kosab and Qara Heşar, a provincial governor subject to the Ottoman beglerbeg of Van. He now transferred his allegiance to the Shah, in the cus-tomary manner of Kurdish emirs, who always give their allegiance to whichever party is in the ascendant. But the expressions of fealty he uttered did not derive from any loyalty of heart. The Shah, although he had no illusions as to the worth of professions of loyalty by Kurds, accepted Soleyman Beg's protestations at their face value (it is usually advisable for rulers to do this), loaded him with robes of honor, and raised him to the rank of khan before giving him permis-sion to return to his own territory.

The Kurdish Zig tribe in the Mughal Empire and the Parthian house of Zik

Ali Mardan Khan's entry into Mughal service was somewhat unusual, as he was accompanied by a large number of relatives, retainers, and associates. Many of these individuals subsequently rose to prominent positions within the Mughal Empire, reflecting the influence and prestige of his wider network. Beyond his administrative career, Ali Mardan Khan was also an important patron of architecture and public works, and is credited with sponsoring several notable structures and infrastructural projects.

One of the most intriguing aspects of the Zig tribe concerns its possible connection to antiquity. The tribe's name bears a striking resemblance to that of the Zik, one of the seven great Parthian clans. Moreover, the tribe's original geographical homeland appears to overlap with regions historically associated with the Parthian house of Zik. Taken together, these parallels in name and geography raise the possibility of a historical connection.

Such evidence alone, however, is insufficient to establish continuity across more than a millennium, especially given the scarcity and often poor quality of the available primary sources. More significant is the tribe's long-standing aristocratic status. As can be observed from history, elite lineage often played a decisive role in social mobility and political advancement in the Middle East, with noble families frequently preserving their status across centuries despite periods of decline or misfortune.

While certainty is impossible, the persistence of aristocratic standing among members of the Zig tribe may point to a deeper historical continuity. Interestingly, similar patterns can be observed among several other Kurdish tribes whose names resemble those of ancient Parthian houses and whose members, over the centuries, rose to prominent positions within the empires they served.

Source: https://www.jstor.org/stable/44139837

The Besyan tribe in the 17th-century

In the past, Bayezid played a significant role in defending the Ottoman center from Safavid assault. According to the 17th-century Ottoman polymath Katib Celebi, Kurds from the Besyan tribe were given the defense by the Ottomans:

Bayezid is the frontier to the Iranians. The Diyadin and Hamur fortresses were ruled from Bayezid. Behlül Bey took the rule of this liva (sub-province) as an ocaklik (estate) for himself. They are Kurds of the Besyan tribe. Since they are so valiant, Iranians keep their distance from them.

A kurd ending the final Khwarazmshah of the Anushteginid dynasty

The final Khwarazmshah of the Anushteginid dynasty was Jalal al-Din Mangburni. Mangburni fled to Kurdistan while the dynasty was in decline. His reputation made it a poor decision to seek refuge in Kurdistan. 

Hamdallah Mustawfi (14th-century):

On his father's death he proceeded to Khwárazm, but, not being loyally supported by his amirs, he retreated to Ghazna. His brothers Arzláq and Aq-Sultan followed him to persuade him to return, but when they reached the fron-tiers of Khurásán they were attacked by the Mongols and killed. In that year Jalálu'd-Dín fought seven battles with

the Mongols and was victorious in all, until finally Chingíz

Khán himself marched against him, in the month of Shaw-

wál, A. H. 618, and defeated him. Jalálu'd-Din with 700 of

his men attempted to swim the river into Sind, but only

he and seven of his companions reached the other shore in

safety. He then gathered a fresh army, conquered a consi-

derable portion of India, and remained there two years,

when, hearing that Chingíz Khán had withdrawn from Persia,

he left Jahán Pahlawán Uzbek as his deputy in India (501),

and himself set out for Persia, where he arrived in A. H.

621. He first entered Kirmán, and there married the daughter

of Buráq Hájib. Thence he proceeded to Fárs, and married

the daughter of the Atábek Sa'd. Thence he advanced

through Isfahán to Ray, where his brother Ghiyáthu'd-Dín

was ruler. Thence to Baghdad, where he defeated the Arabs.

He next seized Adharbayján, and married Malika Khátún,

daughter of the Seljúq Tughril, who had been divorced by

the Atábek Uzbeg. Jalálu'd-Dín, next subdued Georgia. He

returned from Tiflis to Kirmán in seventeen days, but was

met on his approach by its ruler Buráq Hájib, who persuaded

him to retire '). Meanwhile al-Malik al-Ashraf abducted Malika

Khátún from the Castle of Khúy, while the Georgians revolted.

Jalálu'd-Din thereupon marched to Akhlát to punish al-Malik

al-Ashraf, but ere it surrendered news came that the Indian

army had attacked Iráq. Jalálu'd-Dín now completed the

subjugation of Georgia, reduced Akhláț, and took prisoner

the wife of al-Malik al-Ashraf. He next marched into

Syria and Asia Minor to punish al-Malik al-Ashraf and 'Alá'u

'd-Din Kay-qubád the Seljúq, but, being at the time ill,

was repulsed. Shortly afterwards, however he renewed his

campaign, and devastated their territories. He next attacked the Mongols, who had advanced on Ișfahán. Both right wings were defeated. The Mongols march on Khurásán, and Jalálu'd-Dín retires to the mountains of Luristán, while his fugitive troops enter Isfahán. Good offices of the Qádí Ruknu'd-Dín Şáidí in keeping the peace between them until the return of Jalálu'd-Dín seven days later. He goes to Arrán and Kurdistán, and in despair takes to drink. The Mongols pursued him thither, and in the middle of Shawwál, A. H. 628 (= middle of August, A. D. 1231) surprised him drinking. He escaped, and wandered into the mountains, where he was murdered by a Kurd whose brother he had slain at Akhlát. With him perished the dynasty of the Khwárazmsháhs, and the Mongols became supreme in Persia.

Shams al Din, an astronomer from the 13th century, also documents this occurrence. Persian is used to write both pieces. Is there anything particularly noteworthy in Persian sources?  The archetype of the epic hero. The Kurdish hero motif is most often in Persian literature than in other languages.

Shams al Din (13th-century): 

It is related that on the third day Bahā-e Valad set out on the road for Kufa in the direction of the Kaba. When he returned from the pilgrimage to the Kaba, he arrived in Damascus. It was the time of Malek-e Ashraf. The inhabitants of Damascus displayed great affection for Bahä-e Valad and desired that he take up residence there. He did not consent, saying: 'Divine indication is to the effect that our abode shall be in the clime of Rūm and our tomb is to be in the earth of the royal capital Konya.'

And when they came forth from the city of Malatya in the year six hundred and fourteen, Chengiz Khān had died and his son Okotāy Khān had been appointed successor to his father, and Sultan Alā al-Din of Rüm had recently ascended the throne of rule over Rüm. In the city of Sivas in the year six hundred and sixteen it was announced: 'Jalāl al-Dīn-e Khvārazmshāh, fleeing from the reach of the Mongols, has captured the city of Akhlaț after a siege and seeks to make it a royal residence for himself. Furthermore, he has set his eye on Rum and feels a passionate desire for it.'

As it turned out, Sultan Alaº al-Din Keyqobad together with Malek-e Ashraf of Damascus destroyed the Khvārazmshah's  army at Yāsī Chūmān, i.e. Chaman, [located] above Erzincan. The Khvārazmshāh then fled in the direction of Khartapart and was killed while in the hands of heroes among the Kurds. Thus the last of the people who practiced wickedness was cut off. Praise be to God, the Lord of creation (6/45)!

The tyrant was killed. A world was brought to life.

Everyone again became God's bondsman.

He fell into the pit he had dug himself.

His own wickedness came down on his head.

Shaykh Junayd's desire for influence over Kurdistan

Did the Safavids and Ottomans harbor animosity toward one another because of their differing theological beliefs at every turn? This incident involving Junayd's voyage to Anatolia and Kurdistan is recounted by Aşıkpaşazade, an Ottoman historian from the 15th century. Shah Ismail's grandpa was Junayd. The ideas that would subsequently be central to polemical works were prevalent among Junayd's supporters. These beliefs were of little importance to the Ottoman sultan and other Ottoman leaders of this era.The Ottoman sultan was concerned that the Ottoman throne may collapse if Junayd was allowed to roam freely in Anatolia and Kurdistan. The apprehension was true. Sufi order shaykhs were the ones who could actually challenge and overthrow dynastic authority. The Ottomans were sponsoring the Safavid order until the assassination attempt on sultan Bayazid. 

Aşıkpaşazade (15th-century):

Sheikh Junayd, from the generation of Sheikh Safi, during the reign of Sultan Murad [r. 1421-1444, 1446-1451]... came to Rum [Anatolia] and sent gifts with one of his followers to the sultan, including a prayer rug, a copy of the Qur'an, and prayer beads [tesbih]. He said, "He shall give me the Kurtbeli [southern Anatolia] so that I can settle down and pray for him" The sultan accepted the gifts and consulted with his vizier Halil Pasha. He [ultimately] responded that there cannot be two sultans on one throne. He sent two hundred filori to the sheikh with his follower, as well as a thousand akcha for the other adherents of the order [who were in the presence of the sultan]. He [Sheikh Junayd] left the land of Osman [i.e., Anatolia].

Shaykh Ubaydulla's meeting with Ottoman officials

The Ottoman-era publication "Kurdistan"  (the first Kurdish newspaper) published an article by Badirxan about a meeting between Shaikh Ubaydullah and Ottoman officials:

A few years ago, in a meeting in Van which was held with the Sultan's rule it was decided to seduce Kurdish people into slaughtering the Armenians. However Sheikh Ubeydullah withdrew from the meeting by telling that 'this kind of killing of Armenian is against God's rules and it would cause the cruel Sultan to topple from the throne and be discharged from his position'. He also added that 'this kind of will does not benefit the Sultan.) and withdrew from the meeting.

Modern historiography rarely emphasizes the connection between the Armenians and the Kurdish literati, the old governing class of Kurdistan. The relationship was so strong that the most well-known uprisings of the early 20th century had an Armenian component of support. According to their own correspondence and official government archives, the Armenian Revolutionary Federation was active from the very beginning of the Kurdish uprisings.

Given that both parties recognize that their futures are connected and that they have common objectives, the ARF's collaboration with the Kurdish leaders behind the numerous uprisings appears to have been strong.

Source: https://www.academia.edu/30409786/Armenian_Involvement_in_the_1925_1946_Kurdish_Rebellions_in_Republican_Turkey_Trying_to_Map_the_Origins_of_Hidden_Armenians_

The size of the men of the pen in the Ayyubid dynasty (and premodern islamicate polities)

Between 5 and 8 million people are estimated to have lived under the Ayyubid dynasty at its height. Just a small number of people were identified as "knowledge makers" from this vast population. Only a handful did belong to the literati. Who can be defined as the literati? I have a slightly higher standard in mind than merely being able to read, which is impossible to quantify for so many centuries ago. But it is possible to quantify the higher standard. Some examples to get a feel for the group I have in mind: authors, physicians who studied the "ancient sciences" (Greek heritage sciences), government scribes, the literati with a position at some institution etc. Let's use the most liberal estimate, which would be... a few thousand. 

When people read texts about the premodern intellectual history of science and philosophy, they are led to believe that these dynasties had philosophers and scientists who had fallen from trees in large numbers at some point. That was not at all the case in fact. 

Nevertheless, their historical influence is fascinating. How can we contextualize the estimation for the contemporary era? The cognitive ability of these well-known individuals can be roughly estimated. In today's developed societies, a few thousand literate people are not very significant at all. As an illustration: Consider the big-cap firms that are present in many developed nations. Tens of thousands of people work for many of them. If there are only a few thousand "high achievers" or even fewer, it is impossible to maintain properly functioning modern societies with their growing complexity. As a result, in the modern world, it would be challenging for such a society to become notable in worldly criteria. 

The bigger argument I'm trying to convey contradicts two lines of perspective. One of them consists of individuals questioning why premodern Islamic polities performed so well intellectually and how they differed drastically from modern-day awful performance of Muslim countries. Another line of reasoning may incorrectly assume that Islamicate polities had a large number of people who could count to more than 10. Both assumptions are comically incorrect, given how rare these individuals were, even as a whole throughout all of islamicate history, let alone for specific dynasties throughout Islamic history.