The Kurdish Sallarid in the 11th-century

A contemporary 11th-century manuscript describes the type of object that the Kurdish governor of Khuzestan would consider valuable enough to provide to the Seljuk ruler as a gift: 

High ranking Kurdish Qaymuri

A Mamluk-era inscription found in Janiyah, close to Jerusalem, attributed to a high ranking Kurdish official, Sharaf ad-Din al Qaymuri (belonging to the prominent Kurdish Qaymuri commanders), who was in charge of the Mamluk sultan's private property and the royal endowments:

Abbasid envoy in Ayyubid Damascus

In 1207, an Abbasid-Kurdish ambassador arrived in Ayyubid territory bearing a letter from the caliph along with the robe of honor, symbols of formal recognition and investiture. The envoy's mission was to affirm and legitimize the rule of al-ʿAdil, one of the most powerful Ayyubid rulers. Describing the occasion, the thirteenth-century historian Ibn Waṣil writes:

Then the shaykh Shihab al-Din left Aleppo, and with him al-Malik al-Zahir sent the Qadi Baha' al-Din ibn Shaddad. To this latter he had given 3000 dinars to be broadcast when al-Malik al-'Adil donned the caliphal robe of honor. Al-Malik al-Mansur and al-Malik al-Mujahid likewise sent money for the same pur-pose. When the shaykh Shihab al-Din approached Damascus, al-Malik al-'Adil ordered his armies (al-'asakir) to go out to meet him at al-Ghassula, while he himself and his two sons. al-Malik al-Mu'azzam and al-Malik al-Ashraf. met him at the castle. The markets were locked up. and the leading men of the city| went out to meet him. It was a grand occasion. The next day al-Malik al-'Adil took his seat in the Dar Rid-wan in the citadel of Damascus. The Qadi Baha' al-Din entered the chamber, along with the two envoys sent by the lords of Hama and Homs. A long broad-sleeved tunic (jubba) of black satin with a band (tiraz) inscribed in gold was placed upon al-Malik al-'Adil and a black turban with a band inscribed in gold on his head. He was ringed with a collar of richly bejewelled gold and girded with a sword whose scabbard was completely em-bellished with gold.

He rode a gray stallion outfitted in gold and above his head floated a black standard upon which the caliphal titles were written in white. As al-'Adil put on the robe of honor, the Qadi Baha' ad-Din and the two envoys of the lords of Hama and Homs showered upon him their gold coins. Baha' al-Din presented to him fifty pieces of the most exquisite fabric, while the envoys from the other princes scattered gold upon him. Then the caliphal ambassador bestowed on both al-Malik al-Mu'azzam and al-Malik al-Ashraf a black turban and a black robe with broad sleeves, and upon the Sahib Safi al-Din ibn Shukr the like was bestowed. Al-Malik al-'Adil, his two sons, and his wazir now rode in solemn procession outside the walled town and then returned to the citadel through the Bab al-Nasr. The Sahib Safi al-Din ibn Shukr, sitting on a chair set up for him, then read out the caliphal diploma of investiture, in which al-Malik al-'Adil was addressed as "Shahanshah, King of Kings, Friend of the Commander of the Faithful. "Then the shaykh Shihab al-Din proceeded to Egypt, where he bestowed a robe of honor on al-Malik al-Kamil. Events in Egypt were like those of Damascus in pomp and circumstance and in the glory accorded the caliph's envoy. Al-Malik al-Kamil likewise rode in procession attired in the caliph's gifts. Then Shihab al-Din returned to the caliphal court, having received high honors. 

Letters from the Ottoman sultans to the Kurdish noteables

The letters were written by Sultan Suleyman and Murat. Gog and Magog were not obscure groups in Islamicate history for many. They were identified as the Turkic tribes in many instances. The reference to Gog and Magog refers to the Turkic component of the Qizilbash. It may come as a surprise to some that the Ottoman sultans held a negative opinion of Turkic tribes, not just the Qizilbash. The negative perception of Turkic tribes was used by the Ottoman sultans whenever they were in need of Kurdish support against Turkic foes, because the Turkic tribes were viewed as enemies by many Kurds too. 

The letters, 16th-century: 

1. Just as God, be He praised and exalted, vouchsafed to Alexander 'the two horned' to build the wall of Gog, so God made Kurdistan act in the pro-tection of my imperial kingdom like a strong barrier and an iron fortress against the sedition of the demon Gog of Persia It is hoped that, through neglect and carelessness, our descendants will never let slip the rope of obedience [binding] the Kurdish commanders [to the Ottoman state] and never be lacking in their attentions to this group. 

2. You from grandfather to father for generations have been people of pure characters and members of the Sunni sect falling in at the fore of my victo-rious armies in all the battles against the Iranian 'redheads' with many thousand armed and capable and famous Kurdish soldiers whose business is victory, have fought with body and soul ... and have given rise to many admirable victories. However, while you are thereby deserving of favour-able treatment and requiring protection, it has become truly impressed on my imperial knowledge that through the neglect and negligence of the advisors of the Sultanate, those ministers assigned to Diyarbekir as well as other provincial governors have, some of them through greed for seizure and procurement and others through [fear of] dismissal and appointment or for other reasons, extended the hand of aggression over you and opened the doors of oppression and tyranny thereby reducing your strength and power and your endurance and capacity to a state of complete feebleness and decline. Now, since concerning myself with and taking care of your affairs and reviving and restoring you is a personal duty incumbent on my imperial self, I have decreed that first of all in accordance with the treaty agreements granted to each of you by my great forebears you should inherit the jurisdiction of your governorships (hukumet) generation after generation as is right... whether son or brother... Also, a strong injunction has been sent to the governor-general of Diyarbekir instructing him that henceforth he shall refrain from interfering in your reassignment and replacement and free you from the hand of oppression and transgression of the moneylenders.

Kurdish guests in Fatimid Cairo

An 11th-century text on gifts describes a high-ranking Turkish Fatimid's invitation. What about the guests? The Kurds of Cairo. Qatayef appears to have been a favored dessert for Fatimid elites and their guests.

Furthermore, what emerges in this text reflects the mindset of migrating Kurds well before Saladin's expedition to Egypt. The question was never, "What religion (or sect) is worth believing in and fighting for?" It was always, "Where can I get qatayef?" 

The size of the official army of Kurdish dynasties

How many soldiers did the Kurdish dynasty of Badlis have? Evliya Celebi, the Ottoman explorer, comes near to being realistic when he writes about the official army of the Badlis dynasty. He cites the figure of 2000 men in the formal army, which is reasonable. Despite being relatively realistic about the official army, Evliya returns to his normal self when discussing tribal soldiers. The lords of Badlis could not muster a force of 70k or anything close to that size. This is a tiny point of error. The main issue is a lack of adequate critical engagement on Evliya's travels to Kurdistan. Evliya and other Ottoman writers were in the business of making things up. Evliya is particularly well-known for this. This includes his comments on Kurdish customs, politics, and so on.

Evliya Celebi (17th-century): 

The government and administration of Bitlis. It is an independent gover-norship in the eyalet of Van. Instead of imperial domains granted by the Sultan, he has his own private resources, providing him a daily income of one kile-yi mevik of silver coins from his eyalet. In rank it is equivalent to the eyalet of Van. He governs with two thousand soldiers, and if a campaign comes up, or he is summoned to repair the fortress of Van, he rides on campaign along with the commander of Van. The market due on caravans that come into the town is fixed as his private income. But the cizye-tax, paid by the Jacobite Armenians and the Arabian subjects residing in the town, belongs to the Van garrison. At the beginning of each year an agha comes from Van, collects the kharāc tax from these Arabian subjects, and transmits it to the Van garrison as a stipend. The Khan has nothing to do with this kharac. But the kharac on the Mush plain is entirely the Khan's private estate and provides him 26,000 piasters annually. Sultan Murad, after conquering Revan, was a guest in the palace of this Khan of Bitlis and in return for the Khan's service granted him the kharac of Mush by imperial decree. The Khan pays the salaries of the castle warden of Bitlis and his two hundred soldiers out of that kharac or out of his private income and the market due. The castle is in his control, its keys are with the Khan day and night, it is wholly his autonomous governorship, "set aside from the pen and cut off from the foot," and he has a very large territory.

The borders of the eyalet of Bitlis. First of all on the east it borders a prefect of Van named Tatvan on the shore of Lake Van. Again on the east it shares a border with Vestan castle belonging to the ruler of Hakkari. To the south it marches on the territory of the emir of Shirvan; in the qibla direction, the emir of Hizan; and, one stage further, the emir of Zirki. Three stages to the west it marches on the territory of the emir of Hazzo in the eyalet of Diyarbekir. To the north it marches with the emir of Tercil at the third stage, and the emir of Chapakchur at the fourth; in the Pole star direction, with the emir of Mamruvan in the territory of Erzurum beyond Mush plain. Three days journey to the north it marches on the emir of Melazgird in the territory of Erzurum. To the northeast it marches with the emir of Akhlat, of Van sanjak, on the shore of Lake Van. But on the east its territory is completely Lake Van -- he has no authority beyond that.

The tribes and clans subject to the noble Khan, totalling seventy-seven in number. First and choicest of all is the clan of Mudiki Ali Beg, who controls an army of 7000 musketeers. Then. At the Khan's request, 70,000 soldiers belonging to these tribes in the eyalet recorded above will appear ready at arms, with their leggings and snowshoes, their mallets, trouser-and-jacket outfits, bow-and-arrow cases, and muskets -- very brave and daring and renowned warriors.

But within the town of Bitlis are 40,000 men belonging to the tribe of Rozhiki, i.e., roziki meaning "friend for one day." The townsmen's independent Rozhiki dialect will be noted below. They are not brave and warlike like the other Kurds, but sophisticates, men of learning and culture, with henna on their hands and beards and antimony on their eyes.

According to the Khan's register, there are 43,000 Armenian subjects in the eyalet of Bitlis, half in the Mush region subject to the tax collectors of the Van garrison, and half belonging to Abdal Khan. The eyalet comprises 13 zeʻāmets and 214 timariots, there are a cavalry commander, a troop commander, and a captain. According to statute, there are in total 3000 soldiers, along with their armed retainers, who march on campaign in the army of the Pasha of Van under the Khan's banner.

Abulfeda, the Kurdish ruler, from the perspective of an Ottoman

 

The 17th-century Katip Celebi acknowledges a debt to a Kurdish scholar-ruler in his comments on geographical texts. Abulfeda's work is recognized as the best book of geography written in Islamicate history:

al-Malik al-Mu'ayyad 'Imad al-Din Ismail b. al-Malik al-Afdal 'Alī (better known as Abū'l-Fidā, d. 732/1331). He was a scion of the Ayyubid Kurds, the most distinguished ruler of Hamā, nay, the greatest scholar among caliphs and kings after al-Ma'mūn (Abbasid caliph, r. 813-833). In the introduction he states that he has not seen any book that treats this subject adequately. Ibn Hawqal, in his book, does not have detailed descriptions of the coun-tries and fails to determine place names or give longi-tude and latitude. Sharīf al-Idrīsī in the Nuzhat al-mushtaq and Ibn Khurdād (i.e. Ibn Khurradādhbih) and others followed the same path as Ibn Hawqal. Astronomical tables and books of longitudes and latitudes do not deter-mine place names or give descriptions of the regions and their conditions. Those books that are careful to deter-mine place names such as the Ansab of al-Samānī, the Mushtarik of Yaqut al-Hamawī, and the Faysal and Muzīl al-irtiyāb of Abü'l-Majd al-Mawşilī, etc. do not give longitudes and latitudes. Thus, when it was clear that none of these books alone would be able to explain this subject satisfactorily, he compiled this book around 730 (1330), giving the longitude and latitude of 623 cities according to conventional climes in tabulated form in the manner of Ibn Jazla's Taqwīm al-abdān. In his apology for restricting his book to that number, he states:

"I do not claim to discuss all the cities comprehen-sively. In fact, it is impossible even to mention most of them, because very little information has come to us on the regions of the clime of China, which in area is almost a quarter of the inhabited world, and much of what has come to us is clearly erroneous. The same is true of the countries of India, which covers a vast area but is mostly unknown. We hardly know one percent of what there is to know about the lands in the north, of the Turks, Tatars, Russians, Bulgars, Franks, Walachians, Poles and Kazaks (or Cossacks); or the area extending from Constantino-ple to the Western (Atlantic) Ocean; or the lands in the south-Nubia, Takrur (Sudan), Ethiopia and Zanzibar-which include the blacks and many other nations and tribes. For most of the books on "Routes of Countries" (masālik al-mamālik) only include the lands of Islam, and even these are not fully described. However, it is bet-ter to know these few than to be left completely igno-rant."

The poor one (Katib Çelebi) says: That book (Taqwim al-buldan) is the best of the Islamic books on this science. Since it is as we have described, one can judge the state of the other works by analogy to it and one can realize the superior quality of this Cihānnümā and of the translation of Atlas Minor.

Ibn Battuta and the Kurdish ascetic

Ibn Battuta, the 14th-century explorer, meets an ascetic in the Kurdish town of Sinjar: 

Thereafter we travelled to the city of Sinjar, which is a large town with an abundance of fruits and trees, and per-manent springs and streams, built at the foot of a mountain, and resembling Damascus in the number of its streams and gardens. Its cathedral mosque is a famous place of blessing; it is stated that prayer made in it is answered, and it is en-circled and traversed by a running stream. The inhabitants of Sinjar are Kurds, and are brave and generous. One of those whom | I met there was a pious shaikh and devotee, the ascetic 'Abdallah al-Kurdi, one of the great shaikhs and en-dowed with miraculous powers. It is stated of him that he eats only after fasting for forty days, and then breaks his fast only with half a cake of barley bread. I met him in a hermi-tage on top of the mountain of Sinjar, when he prayed on my behalf and provided me with some silver pieces which I kept in my possession until I was despoiled by the Indian infidels.

Hurufism in Kurdistan and "Kurdish Rafizis" in Badlis

Why were Kurdish rulers labeled as 'rafizi' when their relations with the Ottoman Empire deteriorated? New archeological findings from the Badlis castle add to the account of the Badlisi monarchs' close association with the Safavid Shahs. Hurufism was also represented and taught in Kurdistan during this time period. Isa, the Kurdish Hurufi mentioned in the article, had opinions that the author did not touch. One of them was that heaven and hell are not real places; rather, they represent knowledge and ignorance. His viewpoint had repercussions for religious practices. Religious ceremonies made little sense to the Hurufi once they had acquired the level of knowing. These beliefs are strongly related to the social context in which persons such as Isa Badlisi lived. They were addressing a need.

https://www.academia.edu/127862451/A_Shiite_Turba_Found_at_the_Royal_Hall_of_Bidlis_Castle_Transcription_and_Translation