Kurdish governors of Kabul

Apart from the well-known Ali Mardan, the 18th-century Mughal historian Samsam ud Daula describes a few migrants from the Kurdish Zig tribe. Among other places, some of them held positions in what is now Afghanistan. Kabul was governed by Nasir Khan and his son, Nasiri Khan. As evidence of the non-ideological character of premodern leaders and conflicts, Nasiri Khan was reappointed as governor of Kabul following Nader Shah's conquest of the area:

He was the sister's son and son-in-law (khwesh) of the famous 'Alī Mardan Khan. When Sa'id Khan, the governor of Kabul, came to Qandahar in accordance with the request of 'Ali Mardan Khan, he found the inhabitants and the subjects in a wavering condition of goodwill. He perceived that it would not be possible to make proper arrangements while the Persian troops were in the neighbourhood of Bust, and so he left 'Ali Mardan Khan in the citadel of Qandahar with a body of troops, and took with him, under the leadership of Husain Bēg, 3,000 cavalry and engaged the Persians. The latter almost overpowered 'Ali Mardān's men and made them waver, but Sa'id Khan came up in time and defeated the enemy. Then Husain Bēg with 'Ali Mardan Khan waited on Shah Jahan and was rewarded with princely favours. As signs of capability were apparent in Husain Beg, he was removed from the companionship of the said Khan and made Master of the Horse a charge which is not granted to any but really trustworthy men. In the 18th year, he received, in addition, the employment of the Tuzuk, a decorated staff and an increase of rank. In the 21st year, he was sent away from the Court and made the governor of Kashmir, with the title of Khan and an increase of 500 personality (dhāt) with 500 horse, and was granted the rank of 1,500 with 1,000 horse and the gift of a flag and an elephant, and went off there. In the 28th year, he was made the faujdar of the Mīyān Dūāb in succession to Ghadanffar Khan and was sent to take charge of the buildings of Mukhlispür, the foundation of which had been fixed for 17th Muharram, 1065 A.H. In the 31st year, he was again appointed to a confidential position and made Mir Tuzuk. In the battle of Sāmūgarh, he had charge of the royal artillery. Dārā Shikōh's artillery was under the charge of Barqandāz Khan and was on the right, and the royal artillery was on the left and both were in front of the armies. Neither yielded to the other in kindling the flames of battle and in the heat of contest. But what remedy was there for a ruined leader! After Dārā Shikōh's flight, and when the business of the state fell to Aurangzīb's servants, Husain Bēg was exalted by kissing the threshold of the Caliphate. In the year of the accession he was appointed as the faujdar of Bangash, but in the end of the second year he was removed. In the 18th year, he was made the faujdar of Jaunpür, and in the 19th year in the end of the year 1086 A.D. (1676 A.D.) he died. His sons, Mirzā 'Atā Ullah and Mirzā Amān, were long in attendance on the Emperor. The former died after attaining the rank of 700, while the other was appointed to Kabul and there distinguished himself and was given the name of Nasir Khān. His biography has been given separately.

NAŞIR KHAN MUHAMMAD AMĀN

He was the son of Husain Bēg Khan. In the reign of 'Alamgir he was appointed to Kabul, and having performed good services there was granted the title of Nasir Khan. In the beginning of Bahadur Shah's reign, when Ibrāhīm Khan, who had been appointed Governor of Kabul, did not make a proper settlement of the country, and so retired to his fief in Sōdhra, Nasir Khan was appointed Governor in his place¹. He died about the end of Farrukh Siyar's reign, probably in the year 1129 A.H. (1717 A.D.). His son Naşīrī Khān succeed-ed his father as the Governor. As his mother was an Afghan, he made a proper settlement of the country and kept the roads in good order. In the 2nd year of Muhammad Shah's reign, when Nizām-ul-Mulk was appointed the Chief Minister, an order was issued con-firming Naşīrī Khan in the appointment and granting him the title of his father. When Nadir Shah on his way to India entered Kabul, he was in Peshawar. When in 1151 A.H. (1738 A.D.) the royal army reached Peshawar, a battle took place between them, and the said Khan was made a prisoner. For a time he was under surveillance. After reaching Lahore, Nadir Shah pardoned him, and as appointed him Governor of Kabul, and confirmed him in the appoint-ment after his return from Delhi. He spent a long time in Kabul, but lost his governorship in the time of Shah Durrani. He came to Shah Nawaz Khan Philaurī, and later went to Delhi. In the year 1161 А.Н. (1748 A.D.) he hurried with I'timad-ud-Daulh to fight against the Shah Durrānīs. Afterwards, he went to the Panjab with Musin-ul-Mulk, and was given charge of certain estates. As they disagreed, he returned to Delhi'.

The first Kurdish newspaper on the Ottoman Caliphate

The Kurdistan newspaper, contemporary article to the Ottoman caliphate: 

O Kurds! [Gelî Kurdno] As you know, all nations are working toward their own welfare. It is very bad that Kurds have always served the foreigners [biyanî]. You have been serving the Turks for so many years, what benefit have you gained from it? When you receive a badge or a military rank in return for all the cruelty of the government, you forget all about the unjust treatment. Many Kurds have been killed in wars for the sake of this government; however, not a [single] Kurd, until today, has made an effort for his/her own homeland [weten]; as if we have been created to serve the foreigners. Five hundred years ago, there was not a single Turk in our country [welat]. All these Turks came to our country from Turan, and they dominate over us in our own country. Their padişahs, who are bloodthirsty tyrants [xwînrêjên mustebid], call themselves Caliph and as such they carry out all types of cruelties that exist. However, the truth is that they are not caliphs; they are cruel padişahs who should be dethroned. You are not aware of this situation because you are ignorant; the government keeps you that way lest you become aware of the situation.

Turks and the Sultan might use whatever name or title they desire; however, God has not created Kurds for their service.

The time has come; we should work for our own and our children's salvation.

It is a shame if Kurds, who are known for their bravery and generosity, keep being servants to a cruel government. A while back, we also possessed a state; we were free. However, it is a shame that that happiness slipped through our fingers; now, we are in the hands of clowns. Our disunity is the major reason for this situation. Because we Kurds are enemies of one another, Turks are taking advantage of this situation [...] Among us, there are good, kind-hearted and just rulers; let our leader be a Kurd. Why should we stay under the [rule of the] Turks?

I have written to some Kurdish aghas and begged them to unite so that they can find a cure for this disease. I am telling you via my newspaper too[that] you should unite. Given their situation, the Armenians [are ready to] ally with you. Together you will formulate a good future [and] you will together liberate yourselves from the cruelty of the Turks [...] God willing, one day, I myself will seize an opportunity [and] enter Kurdistan from the Iranian side. Then, God willing, I will liberate the Kurds from the Rom [Turkish] servitude, and I will show the world that Kurds are not the killers of oppressed people, the way Abdulhamid claims.

May God give us success. 

Talisman of Kurdish saints

In the hagiographic literature on the Kurdish saint, Kak Ahmad, some typical beliefs in Kurdish societies are mentioned. One of them is the saint's talisman, which protects the holder from bullets and bombs. According to the account, the talisman saved the Ottoman caliph. The incident in question is Operation Nejuik, which corresponds to a real event. In retrospect, one can only feel sorry for the Armenians involved in the assassination attempt. They had no idea the Ottoman ruler was wearing Kak Ahmad's gulaband (literally meaning bulletproof).

Piramerd (20th-century): 

On the day when the Armenians placed a bomb under the mounting-block before the gate of the Hamidiya mosque, timed to go off under his feet at the very moment when he would be stepping on to the stone to mount his carriage, seventy or eighty carriages and between one hundred and two hundred persons were blown sky-high and perished, but no blood issued from the horses harnessed to the royal carriage and Sultan Hamid got into it shouting, 'I am wearing Kak Ahmad's gulebend; how can a bomb make any impression on me?

Another historical element in the narrative is the relationship between the Ottoman caliphs and the Barzanjis of Southern Kurdistan. The Ottoman sultans supported the Barzanji shaykhs, oddly siding with them rather than Ottoman officials during conflicts. Hazim Bey, the Ottoman governor of Mosul, notes the irritation that existed among Ottoman officials; whenever they attempted to push back against the Barzanji shaykhs, the Ottoman sultan reminded them that the charges against the Barzanjis were nothing more than slander:

I could in no way explain the [position of] brigand shaikhs to the Sultan. Whenever I attempted to take measures against them, he [Sultan] did not give permission, on the grounds that "it is not right to punish Muslim shaikhs and men of importance on account of the Armenians' slanders" (...) I got the following telegram, in cipher, from Kamil Bey, the cipher clerk [at the Palace]: "There is a strong possibility that these unjust accusations about some Muslim notables arose from an intrigue by Armenians and foreigners."

Shaykh Raza Talabani's diwan

 

1.

I know the verdict. By God, it will kill me: the lover’s affliction.

Come, please, for the love of God, release my collar, physician.

Come, that I may lay my hand on your crystalline breast until flat jealousy blisters the stalker’s belly.

My face is jinxed. I fear the pain of separation will end me, that no day in the country of union is allotted me.

Those tempting eyes of yours -- enchantresses, witches:

a glance, a wink, and they turn an anchorite of a hundred years.

With you, being’s relief, far from the heart, that son of sorrow, it is east and west between enduring and the trial.

Without the pit, there is no pinnacle, that’s for sure, but on the path to your love, I’ve seen nothing, by God, but the pit.

A wisp of hair from your head is a shackle.

Vial, fragrance, adornment are tangled in your beauty.

A Sheikh, if his eyes fall on your hair, would change his robe and prayer beads for the gartel, crucifix, cross.

Bereft, my ration is rationed. I am without remedy.

Have mercy on Raza. It’s virtuous to be merciful to strangers.

Bassam Kurdi in the 10th-century

Bassam al Kurdi held his own castle in 905, according to al Tabari. The fortification was located on the border between the Abbasid and Byzantine Empires, near the Ceyhan river. Control over a stronghold includes control over a larger area, but the boundaries remain uncertain.

Al Tabari (10th-century): 

In this year, a letter from Bassam al-Kurdī reached Baghdad. He was stationed in a fortress of his between Byzantine and Muslim territory and engaged in keeping the truce between the Muslims and Byzantines. He mentioned that the Byzantine king had written to him, ordering him to rebuild the bridges over the Jayhān and improve the road for him, for he planned to march on Tarsūs. The agent in Tarsūs sent (the message) on to the central authorities.