An Italian in 17th-century Kurdistan: settled Kurds

Piotr’s account of his journey through Kurdistan has so far attracted little attention in Kurdish studies and, to my knowledge, has never been translated. The present translation is the first attempt to bring this neglected source to a wider readership and make some of its most compelling passages accessible.

Piotr was an Italian author who travelled through the Ottoman and Safavid realms, including Kurdistan, during the period from 1614 into the 1620s. In his account, he recorded his observations of Kurdish dynasties, as well as the customs and way of life of the Kurds. The following passages offer a glimpse of what he saw and learned:

...a village called Chizil-Rabat, the last inhabited place under Ottoman jurisdiction. Indeed, it is inhabited and governed by a certain Ahmed, or Muhammad Beg, chief of many Kurds, to whom the Grand Signior (Ottoman ruler) grants its administration in perpetuity, on the condition that he and all the people dwelling along those frontiers serve him in return, as they in fact do.

Since I have spoken of these Kurds and shall have much more to say about them, it is necessary, before proceeding further, to give Your Lordship some account of them.

Kurdistan, that is, the land of the Kurds, lies directly between the Turks and the Persians. In breadth, from east to west, it extends no more than ten or twelve days' journey at most, in some places more and in others less. From north to south, however, it stretches a great distance, beginning, according to my understanding, between Babylonia and Susiana, near the Persian Gulf, and running northward above Mosul, or Nineveh, between Armenia and Media, almost, I believe, as far as the vicinity of the Black Sea.

It is a strong country, for it is entirely mountainous. It is in fact a branch of the Taurus Mountains, which breaks off from that range and, crossing Asia at this point from one side to the other, extends down to the Persian Gulf. Nature itself seems to have placed it there as a boundary and partition between the two great empires of the Turks and the Persians, just as I believe it once formed the frontier between the Romans and the Parthians.

What Kurdistan was called in ancient times I do not know, nor do I think it then possessed a single general name as it does today. Rather, I believe it was divided among several peoples bearing different names, as we see in the writers of those ages. Among these peoples, especially in the northern regions, were likely the Carduchi, who along the River Tigris caused so much trouble to Xenophon and his men during their retreat toward Greece, as he recounts in full in those truly golden books on the expedition.

The Kurds have a language of their own, distinct from the surrounding Arabic, Turkish, and Persian tongues. Yet their speech bears some resemblance to a rough or rustic form of Persian more than to any other language.

Many of them live under tents, wandering from place to place with their flocks and herds. The greater part, however, live more settled and civilized lives in permanent villages and towns.

They obey various lords of their own, mostly hereditary rulers, who acknowledge either the Turk or the Persian as overlord according to their proximity, much as feudal barons acknowledge a sovereign. The most powerful among them, however, are independent.

These lords vary greatly in strength. Some can field ten or twelve thousand horsemen, as could one whom I saw in Constantinople, the ruler of Bitlis. Others, such as the Beg mentioned above, are considered significant if they command two or three thousand men.

The more powerful rulers do not profess vassalage, but merely live under the protection of one or the other king. At times they even change allegiance whenever it suits their interests, much as some of the lesser princes of Italy do. The weaker ones are content not only to be vassals, but at times even to hold their governorships only for a fixed term and for life, rather than by hereditary right.

Their dress is a rough mixture of Turkish and Persian fashions. Their women go about freely with uncovered faces and converse openly with men, both locals and foreigners alike.

As for religion, they follow either the Persian or the Turkish sect of the Islamic faith, according to whether they are more closely attached politically to one ruler or the other. It is true, however, that other Muslims (Persians and Turks) regard them as unsound in their faith, and say that alongside the false traditions of Muhammad they maintain certain superstitions of their own that incline toward paganism. Of these I cannot speak with certainty, since I am not well informed on the matter.

In some parts of their lands, such as Jazira, a city of Mesopotamia situated on an island in the Tigris River (as its name itself signifies), ruled by a Kurdish prince; and in the mountains which the Chaldeans call Tur, meaning "mountain" or "mountain province," where the Chaldean language is still commonly spoken and where the Kurds likewise rule, there live large numbers of Chaldean Christians, mostly of the Nestorian or Jacobite rites. The Kurds sometimes even employ them as soldiers. Such is the condition of the Kurds.

Piotr was accompanied by his wife on the tour across Kurdistan. His travelogue has a charming anecdote about their visit in a Kurdish village, where they were greeted by an aristocratic lady who appears to have the leading figure of the region in the absence of her husband:

Kurds, both men and women, came from all directions to bring us and sell us foodstuffs: milk, small pistachios—the same kind of which I sent samples to Your Lordship, though these were fresh, still covered by their green outer husks. Kurdistan produces them in great abundance, along with many other similar goods.

On the tenth day, after climbing a series of small hills, we traveled for half a day and, for the convenience of provisions and fodder, stopped beside a small stream called Lenghi Imam, below a small Kurdish village known as Lenghi Conaghi, meaning "New Resting Place."

There I began exchanging my Syrian attire for Persian dress. As a first step, I found a rustic barber and, with great ceremony, had him remove in a single stroke my long and magnificent beard, which, to my immense discomfort, I had carefully maintained and combed throughout my stay in Turkey for nearly sixteen months, ever since departing from Constantinople.

 During the night at Lenghi Conaghi we had rain and snow, though not cold weather, and it was the first time this had happened during the entire journey. On the eleventh day we departed late, waiting for the tents to dry, since they had become stiff and frozen from the snow and could not be folded. Nevertheless, we arrived in good time and camped at the foot of a great mountain that we had to cross, near a fortress called Pesciver, recently built there to guard the frontier.

At that time Qāsim Sultan, whom I mentioned earlier, was stationed there with perhaps five hundred of his soldiers, while the rest of his forces were dispersed among various posts along the nearby border. We remained there throughout the twelfth day, partly to rest the animals so that they would be fresher for the mountain crossing, and partly because it was customary for caravans to stop there and present gifts to the sultan. Besides governing the villages, he also exercised authority over a large number of Kurds who roamed those mountains and plains.

During our stay we experienced cold weather for both nights and an exceedingly fierce wind, against which neither poles nor ropes were sufficient to keep the tents standing.

On the morning of the thirteenth we crossed the mountain, which was entirely covered in snow. From that point onward, snow—at least upon the highest ground, if not always falling from the sky—never left us for the remainder of the journey to Isfahan.

Because the great whiteness of the landscape on every side, especially when the sun was shining, was very hard on the eyes, it became necessary to employ the same remedy that Xenophon relates had benefited his soldiers in ancient times: placing a black band before the eyes, whose shade protected them from the dazzling whiteness of the snow, making it much less troublesome. That evening we reached our lodging place early, sheltered among the mountains. There, by great good fortune, we found a small patch of ground free of snow on which to pitch our tents and sleep in the dry.

Near this spot, among the narrow ravines of certain water-rich mountains, stood a small village called Chieren, inhabited by Kurds. Many of them, as was customary, came to our caravan bringing goods to sell. My lady Maani became curious and wished to see their houses. Since they appeared nearer than they actually were, I went on foot alone with her and several women from the country. of those women who had come to visit us with goods to sell, I set out in that direction. We arrived there at nightfall, and along the way I learned from a respectable man who lived there that a certain Khanum Sultan, the lady of that village and of several others nearby, resided there. Since we had come into her territory, Lady Maani felt that courtesy required paying her a visit, and so we went, guided by the same man, who was her steward. It would be difficult to describe the warmth with which we were received—Lady Maani by the sultana, and I by her brother, since her husband was away in the king's service. We wished to take our leave quickly, as it was already late, but they would not allow it. They insisted on preparing a good pilaf and other dishes, and would not hear of our departing until we had dined with them. The women ate separately, while we men were served at the same time in another room. The bread, as I later saw throughout Kurdistan and often in Persia as well, was extremely thin and spread into large round sheets like the pasta used for making lasagna, though white and well baked. Spoons and similar refinements were unknown; instead, the Persian hand served as both spoon and knife. The food itself was truly rustic village fare, yet to us it was more pleasing than the banquets of Sardanapalus or Elagabalus, because of the kindness and generosity with which it was offered. When supper was finished, we departed amid endless expressions of goodwill. The sultana's brother acted as interpreter, translating from Kurdish into Turkish, and he insisted on accompanying us, together with several of his men, all the way back to our tents, which were a good mile distant. In return, Lady Maani sent him back to present the sultana with a basin of fruit and other delicacies to eat, including little cakes in the style of our own countries and similar treats that could not be found in that place, together with some perfumes and other feminine gifts that women are usually fond of.

 

Piotr continued on, arriving at another Kurdish-populated area. This time, he was so fascinated by a particular characteristic of the residences that he wanted to have them built in Italy... the tannur:

Despite the immense snow both beneath us and falling upon us, we made a long day's journey, passing a place where caravans usually stop and continuing much farther before making camp beside a stream near the village called Mahideset.

On Monday, after only half a day's travel, though a very unpleasant one because of the constant snow, wind, and rain, we arrived at a village built upon a bridge crossing a small river called, like many others in the East, Cara-su ("Black Water"). In Persian it was called Pul-i-Shah, meaning "The King's Bridge," while the Turks called it Shah Köprüsü, which means exactly the same thing.

There, for the convenience of being indoors, and because the snow was still falling heavily, we chose not to lodge in our tents but instead in the house of some Kurds. Men and women lived there together, and we were treated very well, supplied with fire and everything else we needed. From all that I observed, the Kurdish people were exceedingly kind and hospitable.

I noticed there a custom that deserves mention, and which I later found not only throughout Kurdistan but also throughout Persia, at least in the more respectable houses.

They do not make fires in fireplaces. Instead, they use what they call a tannur, a furnace set into the floor. It consists of a pit, either square or round, about two palms deep or a little more, roughly resembling the shape of a Roman barrel. To make it heat more quickly and efficiently, the pit is lined all around with a clay vessel specially made to fit inside it and buried in the ground.

At the bottom they place either glowing embers or a fire of charcoal or some other material that quickly turns to coals. Once this is done, they place over the opening a wooden frame, like a small low table covering the furnace. Over this they spread a large quilt stuffed with cotton, which hangs down to the floor on all sides. By trapping the heat, it produces something of the effect of a stove and warms the entire room remarkably well.

Whether eating or simply conversing—and some even while sleeping—people sit on carpets around this little table, low to the ground, with their backs resting against cushions placed along the walls, in the manner customary in these lands. The tannur is always positioned where the room's walls are at a suitable distance on at least two sides to allow people to sit around it in this fashion. 

I was taken aback when I read him, as this is the first explicit confirmation of a thesis I have defended on several occasions, one that runs counter to much of what has been written about the overall premodern history of the Kurds. My thesis has been that whenever political conditions permitted it, there existed a substantial settled Kurdish population.

According to Piotr, this was not a marginal segment of society. There is something deeply satisfying about reconstructing a picture of the past through scattered clues and inferences, without having a source that states it outright, and then finally encountering an author who say the same thing from... direct observation.

With that said, I believe we can be confident in rejecting historical narratives that overlook major demographic realities such as the settled Kurdish population. Any account that treats settled Kurds as a minor element for most of the premodern period, or that focuses almost exclusively on semi-nomadic tribes, is at best misleading and at worst fundamentally false.

French consul in 18th-century Kurdistan

Otter's journey through Kurdistan has neither been translated nor received attention in Kurdish studies. The present translation is the first attempt to accomplish both, making some of the most interesting passages available to a wider audience.

In 1738, Otter was required to travel through Kurdistan on his way to Iran. As an official French envoy, he did not travel alone. Upon entering Ottoman territory, he was accompanied by additional personnel whose task was to ensure his safety and facilitate a smooth journey.

But how well did those precautions work once he encountered the Kurds?

From Urfa to Kotche-hifar, one encounters neither towns nor villages on the road. It is a desert inhabited by Kurds, who fear neither the Pashas, nor even the Ottoman Sultan. Their herds are their wealth; they have no fixed abode, and often change canton to find new pastures. They came during the night to our camp, and having penetrated as far as the Ambafador's tent, they stole jewels, clothes, and furniture.

The attack was daring, and what is unique is that Abdul Bakikhan (from the envoy set to protect the French during the travel through Kurdistan) saw himself robbed without resistance. As we had been warned these Kurds were clever. Everyone stood guard and watched over the baggage as well as the horses. The Ambassador's tent was closed as best as possible, and his guard, who relieved him from time to time, was very attentive for fear of punishment. There was still a light in the tent, and a fire outside the tent. The ambassador (Abdul Bakikhan) had brought a woman from his Harem to spend the night with her, his valets had withdrawn. Around midnight the Kurds having crept belly to the ground to the middle of the camp, made an opening in one side of the tent, and entered it. One of them presented himself with the cloth in his hand at the Ambassador's bed, while the others pillaged. Abdul Bakikhan, frightened, pretended to be asleep for fear of being massacred. The thieves, after having done their robbery, escaped by the same route without making a noise; at which point the Ambassador began to cry out "thief." His guards entered, and seeing no one, they thought he had been dreaming, and withdrew; but he called them a second time in a frightened tone, told them what had just happened to him, and ordered them to run after the robbers. Alarm arose in the camp; people ran in all directions with lighted torches, but it was in vain. The agile Kurds, knowing the country, easily escaped us.

This passage is a rare depiction of the average Kurd's state in the premodern period and how difficult life was:

I had renewed my provisions of rice and biscuits at Krmashan. The Kurds, inhabitants of the places we passed, brought to the caravan milk, butter, cheese, chickens, and sometimes lambs. One of these Kurds came that day to my tent to sell me chickens. A little girl of twelve to thirteen years old followed him; She was well made and appeared pretty, although her face was a little tanned. A simple linen shirt covered her body: her head was bare, and an iron ring three fingers in diameter hung from one of her nostrils. These rings are considered an ornament in the country: rich or well-off people have them made of gold or silver. This girl was carrying milk and kaimak, which is a strong flaky cream, in two bowls. After making me the felam, she placed them on the ground in front of me and crossed her two arms over her breast, which is a respectful attitude in their culture.

I asked the father, who only wore a pair of linen drawers more, why he didn't dress his daughter better. He answered me in Persian: You speak of it at your leisure, and it seems to me that you hardly know Nadir Shah. To be able to make our clothing, he would have to leave us a piece of bread.

Are we not obliged to sell all that we have to give him money, or else resolve to die under the stick? I am currently being asked for three tomans; I do not know where to get them. My cattle, my flocks, my furniture and my clothes have already been taken by the governmental collectors. I only have two or three sheep left, whose milk provides food for me and for this poor girl. I was touched with compassion, but I was not in a position to remedy their misery. I took the chickens and the milk, and paid them fourfold.

Why did Kurdish authors participate in mythmaking during the premodern period? This paragraph, written by Otter, provides a hint. The French consul was replicating the mythology of Kurdish authors and their aims:

The Kurdish nation is divided into different tribes, distinguished by their languages, as well as by their customs and ways of life. They occupy, from Hurmuz to Malatia and Merache, a large expanse of land, which is bounded to the north by Iran, to the south by Arab Iraq. This country is divided into eighteen districts, and filled with mountains commonly inhabited by the Kurds. The strong men of antiquity, like Rustem, Behram, Ferhad and others, were of their nation. They are valiant, lively and proud.

Otter, the French consul to Nadir Shah's court, paid visits to several Kurdish towns. His comments about Baban and Ardalan are interesting. He did visit Baban when the capital was Kirkuk and the majority of the inhabitants were 'Gorani Kurds':

Kirkuk is today the capital of Chehrezour region, which is part of Kurdistan. This government (Baban) is divided into thirty-two districts, and it is enclosed in between Aderbaijan, Persian Iraq, the countries of Baghdad, Mosul, Amadia & Hakiari.

The Gorani Kurds occupy the greater part of it. Their principal place is called Pelenkian; it is a large town in the canton of Kiziltchè. There is a fort almost impregnable due to its location on a high mountain. Kiziltchè is another fort. The Gorani Kurds originally depended on the Ardalan. Since the take over of the region (by the Babans), the Ardalans have chosen Hafen-abad, a town in the vicinity of Hemedan, as their capital.

In Shahrazur, Otter naturally came across the question of what Empire Kurds of the Kurdish dynasties preferred. The answer is compatible with other sources that discuss the same topic.

The curiosity of seeing a European attracted several Kurds to my tent. I entered into conversation with them, and immediately realized that they were more inclined towards the Persians than towards the Turks. One of them told me that the Persians had, within the last month, drawn more than four thousand horses from this canton, which provides very good ones.

Kurdish "Qarmatians"?

Ibn al-Jawzi, the medieval Muslim jurist and historian, records the presence of Qarmatians among the Kurds (in connection to the historical Qarmatians). He was probably drawing on earlier writers, who had likewise described parts of the Kurdish mountains as territories inhabited by “Qarmatians.” and involved to some degree with the original historical movement. How, then, should these accounts be understood?

Medieval authors did not always use religious and ethnic labels with precision, particularly when describing entire populations or regions. A term that originally referred to a specific religious movement could, over time, acquire a much broader meaning and be applied to groups whose beliefs were considered heretical or whose religious affiliation was uncertain. It is therefore doubtful that large, organised communities of Qarmatians, in the strict doctrinal sense, existed throughout the Kurdish mountains. More likely, the term was being used loosely as a general designation for populations regarded as heterodox or outside Islam.

The importance of Ibn al-Jawzi’s account, however, extends beyond the question of Qarmatian presence at any point in history. By associating the Kurds with a movement he identifies as non-Muslim, he reveals something about how the Kurdish population was perceived. His portrayal suggests that the Kurds were regarded in much the same way as the other groups mentioned in the same passage. Later authors provide further evidence of this perception, repeatedly describing the Kurds as non-Muslims. 

This does not mean that Islam had made no progress in Kurdish territories or that Muslim communities were absent from them. Islamization and Arabization had already taken place to some degree. But the presence of Muslim communities should not be mistaken for the conversion of the majority. Their repeated association with heterodox movements, and their portrayal as a people readily inclined to join such movements, are significant in this regard. I would argue that these accounts reflected a substantial reality: large sections of the Kurdish population had yet to adopt even the most basic forms of Islamic belief and practice.

Ibn al Jawzi writes: 

Their (Qarmatians) followers are of different types. Among them there are people whose understanding is feeble and whose sight is weak, who are over-come by stupidity and silliness and who know nothing of the sciences. And (among them may be ranked) the people of Iraq, the Kurds, a multitude of Persians and some stupid young people, the error of all of whom is of the same kind. 

And there had been people (among them) who threw the idols down and removed them. And among their followers there is a group the reign of whose ancestors had been cut off by the rise of the empire of Islam, like the Khusraws, the Dihqans and the children of the Magi... whose bosoms lodged the secret hatred which is like a secret illness. Behold the imaginations of the destroyers which kindle its flames (i. e. those of the secret illness). There are even some distinguished people among them, but a considerable number of their followers are heretics, philosophers and dualists who consider divine laws as common (mundane) laws (nawāmis mu'allifa) and the prophet's miracles as deceitful forgeries. 

10th-century Kurd in Spain

In the tenth century, a sixteen-year-old Kurdish boy from the frontier region of Qaliqala encountered a traveling group and saw in them an opportunity to escape the limitations of his humble background. Rather than identifying himself as a Kurd, he adopted their attribution and passed himself off as one of their own during his journey to Baghdad.

After completing his education there, he appears to have sought opportunities elsewhere, perhaps frustrated by the difficulty of securing the position he desired or by the circumstances of life in the east. He eventually made his way to al-Andalus, where he established himself as one of the leading philologists and grammarians of his age and later served as a tutor to al-Hakam II. History remembers him as Abu Ali al-Qali.

The account is particularly interesting because Abu Ali's biographers were fully aware of the circumstances surrounding his attribution. It offers valuable insight into how nisbas and ethnic designations could function in Arabic sources, especially for individuals of modest origins seeking social advancement. His story also helps explain why so many eastern scholars undertook the long journey to al-Andalus in search of patronage and opportunity.

Among biographers, al-Qifti preserves one of the most detailed accounts of Abu Ali's life. Despite biographers acknowledging the fabrication of his attribution, they did not abandon it. On the contrary, Abu Ali remained known as "al-Qali" throughout the biographical tradition and became the only widely celebrated figure to carry that nisba. 

The following passage comes from al-Qifti's thirteenth-century biography of Abu Ali and is presented in English translation for the first time:

Ismāʿīl ibn al-Qāsim ibn Hārūn ibn ʿAydhūn, Abū ʿAlī al-Qālī, known as al-Baghdādī

A resident of Egypt. He was a distinguished imam, scholar, transmitter of traditions, grammarian, linguist, and man of letters. His origins and birthplace were in Manzikert, from the Kurds of Armenia. He came to Baghdad in pursuit of knowledge in the company of people from Qālīqalā. They were shown honor, and he was honored along with them because of their association with the frontier district. As a result, he became known in Baghdad as al-Qālī.

In Baghdad he studied under leading scholars, including Ibn al-Anbārī, Ibn Durustawayh, Ibn Durayd, and others of their generation. He transmitted extensively from the scholars of his age. Later, he traveled to al-Andalus during the reign of ʿAbd al-Raḥmān.

Al-Zubaydī said:

"I asked Abū ʿAlī, 'Why are you called al-Qālī?'"

He replied:

"When we traveled down to Baghdad, we were in a caravan that included people from Qālīqalā. They were treated with special consideration because of their connection to the frontier. When I entered Baghdad, I attributed myself to Qālīqalā, even though it was merely a village in the district of Manzikert. I hoped that doing so would benefit me among the scholars." Thus the name al-Qālī remained attached to him. He died in Córdoba in Rabīʿ al-Ākhir of the year 356 AH (966 CE). 

Syncretic Kurds in Iran & Yazidis visting... Mecca

In the 19th century, Farahani wrote a book on his own pilgrimage to Mecca. A few uncommon accounts of Kurdish populations along the route are included in the work. It is remarkable to observe the syncretism among the Kurds (and others) in the present-day Iranian province of Alborz: 

One farsakh from Yangi Emâm there is a place by the name of Hashtgard, which is crown property. Its inhabitants are Kurds whose way of life is like that of the Naşiris. For the most part, they are highway robbers. There is a shrine in that village called the Emâmzâdeh Ja'far (after one of the descendants of Hazrat-e Musâ ebn-e Ja'far, peace be upon him). The people of that village, the village of Yangi Emâm, the surrounding villages, and the Kurds all have great faith in him. It is popularly thought that taking an oath [in his name] produces a result very quickly; in so far as possible, no one will swear by him. Some petty thefts which have occurred in the environs have [been resolved] by having the property immediately returned and given up if the people of Hashtgard have taken the trouble to have the inhabitants of the village swear by their emâmzadeh.

Farahani links particular tribes to his use of the Kurd-label. Determining whether the Kurds of Qazvin and other "unusual" places correspond to actual Kurdish tribes is enlightening. There is a correspondence between Farahani's use of the Kurd-label and contemporary usage in his instances because these tribes are still present and are self-described Kurds:

From the Qeshlâq guest-house one goes to the Kavandeh guest-house. It is four farsakhs. The road is red clay and is very muddy during the rainy season. All along this road between these two guest-houses dwell the "Goldsmith clansmen" of Qazvin, who are all highway robbers. Very stealthily and vilely, they engage in theft and kill the helpless. Every chance they get, by night and day, they come to the road as if begging; if they find two or three unarmed people, they rob them of their possessions. Also along this road is an area named Hajji Tappeh, which is the winter pasture for the Kurds of Qazvin. The people of Hajji Tappeh are also bandits and extremely wicked. They are usually mounted and armed. Every time they can, they separate ten or twelve riders from a caravan and rob them. Sometimes they also steal from the surrounding villages.

As for the Kavandeh guest-house, it is next to the village of Kavandeh, from which it derives its water supply. A garden planted with trees has been made in front of it. Its workers, horses, and rooms are like those of the other guest-houses. The village of Kavandeh does not have a qaleh. It is a very dirty village. About forty families live there. Its water is mostly river water that comes from Zardcheh Bostân. There is also a small qanât running through the middle of the village that provides enough water for the people's drinking water. This village was one of the wakf estates of Khomârtâsh. It is a wakf property for the Khiâbân mosque in Qazvin. Its inhabitants are Kurds of the Mâfi and Kubâr tribes. From the Kavandeh guest-house one goes four farsakhs to Qazvin. The road is smooth and level. It gets muddy during the rainy season, and it is extremely dry and dusty in summer. In the guest-houses along the way, nothing unusual was observed, except that food and drink were expensive for what one got. 

Past Kharzân, the road is constantly downhill in rolling country all the way to Pâchenâr. One and a half farsakhs after Kharzân, the post horses are left [behind] and one is compelled to go on foot. I sat for a while at a spring which flowed in the midst of the valley, and then, on horseback and by foot, after countless difficulties, I reached Pâchenâr. I traversed the route in seven hours. Pâchenâr village, which is by the road, consists of just one brick caravanserai and a post station. This caravanserai and post station are located on the bank of the Târom River. The Târom River flows from the Mollâ Ali valley and enters the Shah Rud River a little below the caravanserai.

The post station is a pleasant and attractive place with some willows and forest trees surrounding it. According to reports, Nâşer ol-Molk, during his first governorship of Gilân, had this post station constructed with sunbaked bricks, mud, and stone. Its construction is of good quality, and its horses are fine. The caravanserai is one of the constructions of Hajji Mohammad Hadi Tâjer Miânji. Pâchenâr is the winter pasture for the Chegni Kurds. At a distance of one maydân past the caravanserai, beside the road, there are about thirty small peasant houses to which the Kurds come in winter-time and in which they dwell. Pâchenâr is located low down in a valley. It is the first part of the land of Gilân. On the other side of the Kharzân pass, the weather is completely different. The soil, trees, shrubs, and steppe-land birds there are all different. There are some forest trees in the plains. About one maydân past Pâchenâr two or three rustic caravanserais of sun-baked brick and mud have been built by the road. Caravans usually stop at those caravanserais. Anyhow, I arrived in Pâchenâr three hours after sunrise, changed horses, and set out three hours before sunset. The road is rocky and generally passes along the left side of the mountain range. The Shah Rud River was visible to the right of the road, sometimes far off and sometimes close by. One farsakh past Pâchenâr one arrives at the Lowshân bridge.

Farahani uses his visit in Mecca as an opportunity to discuss the pilgrims' diversity. The pilgrimage from Ottoman Syria is a unique detail. From that direction, Yazidis were traveling to Mecca. Is this unexpected?

Every year from five hundred to fifteen hundred Syrian pilgrims come. They are Ottoman subjects. Most are of the Shafei rite. They also have [some] Khârejis and Yazidis. They come overland with the [ma]hmal of the Prophet. For years, Said Pasha has brought the [ma]hmal to Mecca in perfect order and regularity, [accompanied by] the amin-e sorreh, soldiers, and cannons. Enormous sums are given by the Ottoman government for this purpose. Since the Syrians are accompanying the [ma]hmal, they pay nothing for visas, tolls, etc. This year, due to it being the "Greater Pilgrimage," about 1,600 people had come.

Even without concrete historical proof, it shouldn't be shocking. For the primary reason that syncretic groups were historically categorized as "Muslim" by many Muslim authors. Another reason for obscurity in historical sources can be discovered by going back to the description of Hashtgard. In terms of various worldviews, Farahani's vocabulary was quite small. He did not have a specific name for the Hashtgardi religious congregation. He had the same issue as other writers of Islamicate history. Misrepresentation was combined with a limited vocabulary.

The Medes (Kurds) allying with the Safavid Shah against the Ottomans

The following account of the Safavid reconquest of Tabriz from Ottoman rule in 1603 is drawn from the seventeenth-century Armenian historian Arakel. It is particularly noteworthy for its portrayal of the Kurds as the Medes, as well as for the insight it provides into the fluid political loyalties of Kurdish rulers during the Ottoman–Safavid struggle for control of the region: 

A certain Ghazi Khan (Beg), a Kurd, who was a grand nobleman and the ruler of the land of the Mar (Kurds), was pursued by the Ottomans; for the Ottomans wanted to kill him and rule over his principality. He, therefore, sent a loyal man named Khan Avdal ('Abdal) to the shah, requesting that he come and save him. He promised to be on the shah's side [in any ensuing conflict].

Another Kurdish grandee, named Ulama-oghli ('Olamā-oğli) Haybat Beg, did not send envoys, but came himself to the shah. The Georgian kings also wanted the Persians to rule their land, for they were outraged to the depth of their souls by the Ottomans, not as much for their oppression, as, especially, for the capture of their ruler, Simon Khan the Great. The Ottomans had seized him, taken him to Istanbul and killed him there. They also tricked his grandson, took him to Istanbul and killed him as well. Furthermore, there were many hostages of the Georgian kings at the Persian court: for example, the daughter and son of the above-mentioned Simon Khan of Tiflis; the son of King Alexander of Kakhet'i, who was named Constantine; and the brother of the atabeg¹ of Somkhet'i, named Tahmāsp-qoli. Many other Georgian hostages were in the hands of the Persian kings, as well.

From the land of Aghuank', from among the Armenians, came Sarukhan Beg and his brother Nazar, from the village of Voskanapat, the priest Oghlan and his brother Ghalabegi from the village of Hat'erk', Jalal Beg and his nephews from Khach'en, Melik Sujum from Dizak, Melik P'ashik from the village of K'ochʻiz, Melik Babē from the village of Britis, Bishop Melk'isēt' from the village of Me-likzada of Upper Zakam, and Melik Haykaz from the village of Khanatsakh in the land of K'shtagh (K'ashatagh). Moreover, all the inhabitants of four villages in Dizak left together and went to Persia. The shah settled them in the city of Isfahan. In addition, a third of the inhabitants of the small town called Dasht," which is located in the Goght'n gawar, near Agulis, immigrated to Persia and the shah settled them in the city of Isfahan as well. The reasons for the depar-ture of the people of Dizak and Dasht were the heavy taxes, extortion, destruction, and the violent and pitiless extermination of Christians [by the Ottomans]. They were all poverty-stricken, in debt, and without a way out; that is why they escaped to Persia. The men, whose names we have mentioned, were all notable men. They, as well as many other such persons, had gone to the shah, and the kat'oghikoi knew this. Moreover, it was clear to them that the shah would certainly come to the land of the Armenians. That is why they wished to go to him, to display their friendship to the shah and maybe to also gain his sup-port and aid against oppression and their debts.

After concluding all their meetings, Kat'oghikos Dawit' and Bishop Manuel of Khor Virap remained in Armenia. Kat'oghikos Melk'isēt', Bishop Manuel of Hawuts' T'ar, and Bishop Astuatsatur of Geghard left Tat'ew and traveled to Persia on some pretext. Once they crossed the borders of Persia, they continued their journey, without lingering, and traveled until they reached Isfahan. They ap-peared before Shah 'Abbās and told him of their intentions. The moment the shah heard and learned this, he was delighted in his soul and rejoiced in his mind. He cheered up physically and his happiness in those days was the greatest [happiness] he experienced throughout the rest of his life. As was characteristic of his insidious disposition, Shah 'Abbās began to extol them, gave them lavish gifts and offer-ings and invited them into his presence every day. He conversed with them about their goals and won their hearts. Feigning loyalty and friendship, he promised them great prosperity, and, with empty words, insidious and cunning ways, portrayed himself as a true friend. He thus managed to obtain all [their] secret thoughts. He learned of the ways into and out of their lands and [the names of] the men who were in charge. Realizing that their mouths spoke what was in their hearts, the shah ordered his military commanders to pre-pare the army to march. His order was immediately carried out. After that, the entire army moved in the direction of Tabriz against the Ot-toman forces, which had positioned their camp there, and were occupying Tabriz and its gawars.

The shah left Isfahan to go to Tabriz. He took all the notable men with him. They departed Isfahan on swift horses and reached Tabriz after several days. The Ottoman army was not prepared for the arri-val of the Persians, for the latter did not take long to reach Tabriz, but arrived within a few days. When Shah 'Abbās came to Tabriz, luck was with him. The governor of Tabriz, named 'Ali Pasha, who was the commander of all the Ottoman forces guarding the region, had gathered all his 20,000 men and had marched to the Salmast (Salmas) gawar against the aforementioned Kurdish lord, Ghazi Khan, for the Ottomans had learned the latter had severed his union with the Ottomans, had come to an agreement with the Persians, and had sent his confidant, 'Abdal Khan, to the shah. That is why the Ottoman troops had gathered and had gone to Salmas against Ghazi Beg. But, Ghazi Beg, prior to the arrival of the Ottoman army, had left Salmas, gone to the Urmiye gawar, and entered the impregnable fortress called Gogarch'in Ghalasi (Qal'e), located in the middle of Lake Urmiye, and fortified his position there. When 'Ali Pasha and the Ottoman army arrived in Salmas and saw that Ghazi Beg had left for Urmiye, he did not march on Urmiye, for he wanted to subdue the Salmas region and its fort first and then march to Urmiye against Ghazi Beg. Since there was only one strong fort, called Gharniea-rukh (Qarnī-yarūq) in Salmas, the Ottomans prepared to besiege it. The Ottoman army remained there for almost three months; they at-tacked the fort but could not take it.

While the Ottomans were attacking the fort of Qarnī-yarüq, the shah arrived in Tabriz. He left the city and moved against the Otto-man army. The Ottomans found out about the arrival of the Persians and when they ascertained that it was the shah himself who had come-for, prior to that, they thought it was just a general-they immediately abandoned their attack on the fort and moved toward the village of Sofian (Şufiān). There, on the field of Sufian, the two armies met each other in open battle. 'Olama-oğli Haybat' Beg dem-onstrated the greatest of bravery in this battle. 

The Ottomans sought to reverse their defeat by organizing a campaign to recapture Tabriz. Under the terms of their relationship with the Ottomans, a number of Kurdish rulers were obliged to participate in the expedition. When the Ottomans encountered what proved to be a carefully prepared trap, they marched into it nonetheless.

The episode also offers a revealing glimpse into the nature of Ottoman–Kurdish relations during this period. Despite their temporary alliances with the Ottomans at times, Kurdish rulers pursued their own interests and priorities. In this instance, there appears to have been little enthusiasm for sharing the Ottomans' fate: 

He then summoned all the great notables from the surrounding gawars, as well as from the Georgian and Kurdish provinces. Among them was the great no-bleman of the Kurds, whom they named Mirsharaf [Mir Sharaf]. He ordered all the commanders of the provinces and adjacent lands to gather in the city of Karin, that is, Erzurum. He ordered that each one assemble and fully prepare and arm his troops, march toward Van and join Ceğal-oğlū, when he arrived there, to go to Tabriz and fight the Persians.

After that, Ceğal-oğlū left Karin and went to Tigranakert, that is, Amida [Diarbekir]. He halted there to prepare and to gather an army from all the central provinces of Asia and Mesopotamia. The great and well-known pasha of the time, named Nasif Pasha, a native of the city of Beria, that is, Aleppo, also came to Amida and joined Ceğal-oğlū. They both prepared for war, for Nasif was equal to Ceğal-oğlū. These two gathered all the troops of the Ot-toman Empire, left Tigranakert, and came once again to Van. There they also gathered the troops from Kurdistan and Erzurum. A huge and innumerable army was formed. They left Van and marched to Tabriz. They reached the borders of that city, near a settlement called Sufian. The battle took place on the field of Sufian and the Ottoman army suffered a defeat. The much-experienced Shah 'Abbās divided the Persian army into four corps: he entrusted the first group to Allahverdi Khan and ordered him to advance overtly and openly against the Ottoman army. He entrusted the remaining three [corps] to his three notables: the first, to Gharch ghay (Qarchaqāy) Khan; the second, to Zu'l-Faqar Khan; and the third, to Pirbudagh (Pīr Būdāq) Khan. He or-dered that they hide and ambush the Ottomans from three sides. The shah, hidden with his ğulams, remained on top of a far-away moun-tain. When the day of the battle arrived, Allahverdi Khan came out with his troops and appeared before the Ottoman army. Seeing them, the Ottomans thought that the Persian army consisted of what they saw in front of them. They, therefore, eagerly attacked and began to fight. The Persians then, as previously agreed upon, gave a smoke signal. Seeing the smoke, those Persians that were hiding in ambush, rushed out, fell on the Ottomans, surrounded them on four sides and began the slaughter. They cut them to pieces and filled the field with corpses. It was a great disaster and a sad day [for the Ottomans]. The sardar remained in his camp, but he was in great sorrow, and, like a woman in childbirth with birth pangs, could not find rest or quiet anywhere. With a disturbed heart he glanced at the road leading to the battle, awaiting someone to bring him good news. But no one came. 

The great paron, the Kurd Mir Sharaf, whom we mentioned ear-lier, was at the side of the sardar. In his soul, he sensed that the sardar's side was defeated. That was why there was no news. He tried to find an excuse to leave the sardar and flee. He, therefore, ut-tered these false words of consolation, "I beg your excellency to order me to take the battlefield. Perhaps I will meet the shah and fight him [challenge him]." Responding to his numerous requests, the sardar ordered him to go into battle. Mir Sharaf, however, left the camp and turned directly toward his domain without even look-ing back. The Persian troops were victorious over the Ottoman army and put them to flight toward the Ottoman camp. They followed on their heels, killing them and pushing them right to the camp. The Persians entered the camp and began to kill the Ottomans there as well. Qar-chaqãy Khan came near the tent of the sardar, struck it with his sword, cut it and went through it, but none of the Ottomans came against him. The bloodletting continued until nightfall: the Persians killed some, put others to flight, captured others and threw them down by the shah's feet. They claim that thirty-four famous notables were captured: pashas, k'ehias, ğullar-ağasis, sancak-beys, and many others.

Commander of the Kurds in the Mamluk dynasty

Among the most important surviving documents on Mamluk policy toward the Kurds are these pages preserved by the fourteenth-century historian al-Umari. They reveal a remarkable aspect of Mamluk statecraft: the creation of a dedicated office for the "Commander of the Kurds" Its purpose was both strategic and political, to unite the Kurdish tribes against their common enemy, the Mongols. The passage offers a rare glimpse into how the Mamluk state viewed the Kurds.

Translated in full into English for the first time:

Let him (Commander of the Kurds) gather together the scattered branches of these tribes, reunite what has been divided among them, and reconcile the hearts of their leading men who have become estranged. Let him remove discord from among them, so that their strength may be directed against the unbelievers rather than against one another. Let him draw out their claws from one another, so that victory may be secured.

Let him impress upon them that our benevolence toward them is sincere and without deceit, and that even the smallest span of land we grant them is, in the sight of God and in their own estimation, better than all that they possess from the farthest reaches of Ajami lands to Shahrazur. Let him make known that the shelter of our domains is preferable for them to those rugged mountains, and that our secure lands are more fitting for them than those regions that are perpetually besieged or constrained.

Let him recognize the standing of their tribes among the various peoples and communities. Were all their groups united in purpose, they would not find enough horses for their riders. Let him honor among them those of noble houses, ancient authority, and lineages whose branches have risen to the heavens; men whose flashing swords and shining coats of mail have rivaled the brilliance of the sun.

Let him know that our abundant generosity is no trifling matter, and that our noble patronage extends to them all and kindles the fire of every tribe. Among us, the fortune of the Bakhtī is not diminished; we do not forget the Ḍisnī; we loosen the girdles of the Zarzārī only to clothe them in honorable garments; nor do we keep the Sahrī awake except so that they may afterward sleep with contented hearts. We do not burden the Randuwādī, and among them there is none but a man of worth and distinction.

The same applies to the rest of their people, whom beneficence has bound to us and whom generosity has taught not to forget what has been done for their lands and for the children they left behind.

You are their commander, and by God's will the one who will unite them in obedience. He is able, whenever He wills, to bring them together. Therefore, know every one of them, every dweller beneath tent-pole and wall, whether near at hand or far away.

Gather them beneath the wing of protection, unite them through the bond of concord, and keep them prepared for the struggle toward which we have turned our attention: readying themselves for warfare, donning armor for battle, and appointing leading men among them through whom your authority may reach every tribe, and through whom your strength may be reinforced...

A Kurdish chief & his Knight-lady in the 19th-century

Was the romantic atmosphere alive and well in mid-nineteenth-century Kurdistan? For some, yes. Brant, the British consul, recounts the story of a Kurdish chief and his Knight-lady, who stood by his side in resistance against the Ottomans:

Our host was an old Kurd chief; he had resisted Reshíd Mohammed Páshá, and his house was in consequence burned; he himself escaped to the mountains, but was afterwards forced to surrender; he was detained as a prisoner at Diyár-Bekr for a twelvemonth, and was then sent to his home and restored to the command of his old district, but his fortunes were ruined, his house destroyed, his dependents dispersed, and his two eldest sons had fallen victims to the climate of Diyár-Bekr. He himself was almost blind from cataracts forming in both eyes, which were nearly inatured; he asked Dr. Dickson for a remedy, and was much grieved to hear that he could not furnish one; he was told that an operation would alone relieve him, and to have that performed a journey to Constantinople was necessary; he said that was impossible, it was beyond his means.

This Hájí could scarce speak any Turkish, and he used a native of Diyár-Bekr, his scribe, as interpreter. I inquired through him how he was so imprudent as to attempt to resist Reshid Mohammed Páshá, invested as he was with authority from his sovereign. The Hájí replied that neither he nor his fathers were ever subjected to Páshás, or paid taxes to the Sultán, and he could not understand why he should be forced to do so; he had therefore resisted as long as he could.

Seeing most of us engaged in writing and reading (for he was always seated near the tents), he asked whether we could all write. I replied that most of our peasantry could do so. He said such an acquirement was an useless one to a man like him: since he had been able to handle arms he had scarce been for an hour in his life without being called on to use them, either in defending the property of himself and his dependents, or in revenging the injuries inflicted on them by their enemies. He remarked, with an evident feeling of regret for his now powerless and humbled station, that in his younger days he had arms, horses, followers, and money. He was now deprived of all these things. Without doubt, his want of power, the excitement of a turbulent life, added to his loss of sight, must render his present position, as compared with his former, anything but agreeable. His wife was a tall masculine woman. I was informed that whenever attacked at home she was always to be found at his side, loading his rifles while he was firing at the assailants. Such is the usual occupation of the warlike dames of Kurdistán, and not unfrequently they take a more active part in the strife.

Popular Safavid tale about Yazidi Kurds

In a 17th-century Safavid collection of popular tales concerning the reign of Shah Ismail, we find a remarkable story about an attempt by Yazidi Kurds to capture Tabriz and take control of the Safavid Empire. The narrative is filled with recurring themes and motifs associated with Kurds and Kurdish figures, making it a valuable source for understanding their place in the popular imagination of the period: 

At this time a messenger arrived from Tabriz with a message from Soltan Ebrāhim Mirzā stating that the Şārem Khān the Yazidi Kurd had raised a great army and was headed for Tabriz.

"Who is Şārem Khān the Kurd?" asked Shāh Esmāʻil.

"Şārem Khān is one of the calamities of the age," replied Hosayn Beg Laleh. "They say he is a hundred and ten years old and has seventy sons. None can match his bravery, and he has forty thousand households of Yazidi Kurds under his command. He heard of the rebellion of Mohammad Karahi and is leading an army toward Tabriz."

It was ordered that Saru Ali Beg, the keeper of the royal seal, take three thousand Qezelbāsh and go fight. He kissed the royal foot and hurried off, ar-riving in Tabriz twelve days after leaving Esfahan. Solțān Ebrahim Mirzā re-viewed a thousand of his own men and the Qezelbāsh and was intending to go fight Şärem Khān when the news came that Şärem Khān had gotten as far as the village of Sufiyan Kandi. Solțān Ebrāhim Mirzā said, "Since Tabriz has no citadel, if they enter the city, it will be a great disaster. We must go out to meet them." Saru 'Ali Beg said, "It is as the prince has said."

So the prince and Sāru 'Ali Beg and their army set out. They arrived in Salmās just as Şārem Khan the Kurd arrived with his army. Seeing twelve thousand Qezelbāsh facing off against his own, he deemed this a paltry number and or-dered that the war-drums be beaten. The ranks of war and killing were arrayed. Now Şārem Khān had a son named Sāru Khān, a man of powerful stature, without peer in valor. He leaped upon his mount and sought combat on the battlefield. One of the Torkmans entered the fray, but Sāru Khān felled him with one blow of his club. Another soldier approached and was slain the same way. That Yazidi Kurd killed ten Qezelbāsh, and no one wanted to venture onto the battlefield against him. When Soltan Ebrāhim Mirzā saw that nobody wanted to go fight, he himself leaped onto his mount to ride onto the battlefield. Sāru 'Ali Beg urgently be-seeched the prince to let him fight, but he did not listen, and even as Sāru Ali Beg was speaking, Solțān Ebrāhim Mirzā gave his stone-splitting spur to his horse and took off for the battlefield. When the eye of Saru Khan the Kurd fell upon the beauty of that prince, he saw that he was a man of extraordinary comeliness. He said, "O youth, is there no one else among the Qezelbāsh to come onto the battlefield? Come, I will take you to my father and elevate you to a high rank."

Solțān Ebrahim Mirzā said, "Take this!" and drew his sword. "So be it," said the Kurd, "but I cannot slay this young man; I must capture him alive." At that moment the prince of the earth, with a great cry, struck with his sword at the top of the Kurd's head. As Sāru Khān raised his shield, Solțān Ebrāhim struck him under his arm; all his guts came spilling out and he tumbled off his horse.

When the army of Şārem Khān the Kurd saw this blow, they at once charged at Solţān Ebrahim Mirzā. He would have felt shame if he fled, so he turned his face to that vengeance-seeking army. They surrounded that prince, but every-one he struck on the head with his sword was split down to the breastbone, and he ended up killing twenty-six renowned Kurdish warriors. Sāru 'Ali Beg and Mantash Khān killed a number of men themselves. The battle grew fierce, and a number of men were killed or wounded. As evening drew near, the war-riors withdrew from the battlefield and returned to their positions.

When the news of the death of Saru Khan reached Şārem Khān, he rent his collar in anguish, crying: "Today they brought me the news late; I was about to see the brother of Shaykh-oghli, but it did me no good. Tomorrow I will seek him out on the battlefield and bring this seven-maund battle axe down on his head!"

Şarem Khan's men arose at dawn and began forming their ranks, with Şārem Khān placing himself at the center. Like a gloomy demon, with his white beard flowing down to his navel, he put his black cuirass and breastplate on his chest and his helmet on his head. Then he headed for the field of battle like a crazed elephant. His son Qaplān Beg said, "O father, by the spirit of Mo'aviyeh, I beg you to let me go into battle to kill the murderer of my brother; he will be too afraid to come out to fight you.'

"O my son," said Şārem Khan, "you have sworn quite an oath before me! I give you leave to go fight."

So Qaplān Beg charged onto the battlefield and roared, "Where is the broth-er of Shaykh-oghli? Let him come out and fight!" Solțān Ebrāhim Mirzā spurred forth his steed and charged at Qaplān Beg. After some initial taunts and insults, they began their struggle. Qaplān Beg drew his sword and lunged at Solţān Ebrāhim Mirzā, but that lion of the forest of bravery fended off the blow by raising his shield over his head. Qaplān Beg took another swing at him, but Solţān Ebrahim Mirzā smashed him on the wrist with his iron mace so hard that he shattered the Kurd's hand and sword-pommel both. Qaplān Beg tried to turn to escape, but the prince dealt him another mace-blow which crushed his shoulder. The Kurd lost consciousness and tumbled from his mount. Solţān Ebrāhim Mirzā spurred his horse forward and trampled the bones of Qaplān Beg under its hooves.

Şärem Khān now came galloping in pursuit of Solțān Ebrāhim Mirzā, now joined by Sāru Ali Beg as well. "O youth," said Şārem Khān, "you have killed two sons of mine, any single hair of whose heads were worth a hundred of you!"

"Hell is waiting for the three of you to come together!" retorted the prince. Şārem Khān could bear no more. He reached for his quiver, took out his ivory bow, and nocked an arrow, aiming at the prince's chest. Solțān Ebrahim Mirzā, though, dove forward, and the arrow missed him and fell to the ground. The prince then sat straight up in his saddle again.

Şārem Khān bit his hand in frustration and nocked another arrow. Realizing that Soltan Ebrāhim Mirzā would repulse it, he paused, then let fly. Solțān Ebrāhim Mirzā flattened himself in the saddle to let the shot pass over him; then he straightened up into a manly posture again. The Kurd loosed another arrow, which also missed. The prince then went to bring his sword down on Şārem Khan's head, but the latter lifted his shield to ward off the blow. Şärem Khān then came in close, grabbed Solțān Ebrāhim Mirzā by the wrist, and wrenched his sword out of his hand. He raised it high, and when Solțān Ebrāhim Mirzā lifted his shield over his head, he brought it down on the prince's shield so hard that the impact shattered everything down to the roots of his hair. Sāru 'Ali Beg now came up and blocked Şārem Khan's way, hooking his sword-belt with his spear, but the Kurd, using the prince's own sword, sliced that spear in two. Sāru 'Ali Beg and his companions then gripped their swords and attacked Şārem Khān so fiercely that they nearly took his head off. Sāru 'Ali Beg's sword-point hit Şärem Khān squarely in the head, and blood came gush-ing out. That foul one, enraged, struck Sāru 'Ali Beg such a blow with his sword that he split him from stem to sternum.

Mantash Beg grabbed the wounded prince and set off for Tabriz. The Kurds pursued the Qezelbāsh and began to assault and plunder their camp. Şārem Khān kept shouting, "I am wounded and cannot keep up! Stop!" But it was to no avail. Four leagues outside of Tabriz, Mantash Beg encountered 'Abdi Beg Shamlu, who was there with six thousand men. Now after Shah Esmā'il had dispatched Sāru 'Ali Beg, he had had a dream in which Solțān Ebrāhim Mirzā fell into a sea of blood; Sāru 'Ali Beg tried to pull him out, but he too fell in. Both of them were thrashing about when Mantash Khān Ostājlu arrived and grabbed the hand of the prince and pulled him out. Sāru 'Ali Beg, however, drowned in the sea of blood. Mantash and the prince had gone a little way when they came to a great river, and Abdi Beg brought them across. When Shah Esmā'il awoke, he related his dream to his commanders. The next day he set off in the direction of Tabriz.

Source

Katip Celebi and Ibn Khaldun on Kurdistan as the seat of the Literati

The 17th-century Ottoman polymath Katip Celebi discusses how Kurdish figures immigrating to the Ottoman Empire brought the "rational sciences" back to life after their "temporary decline" as a result of fanaticism:

In every age, men of sound natural judgement and straight mind have not failed to read and study them. In every age, the works of scholars who have devoted themselves to both philosophy and sacred law have been widely known and esteemed and sought after. The great divines and scholars, the Imam Ghazali, the Imam Fakhr al-Din Rāzī, the learned 'Adud al-Din and his followers, the Qadi Baydāwī, the learned Shīrāzī, and Qutb al-Din Rāzi and Sa'd al-Din Taftazānī, and the Sayyid the Sharif Jurjānī and their learned follower Jalal Dawwāni, and their disciples, reached the heights of study and investigation and did not confine themselves to one branch of knowledge only.

But many unintelligent people, seeing that the trans-mission of these sciences had once been banned, remained as inert as rocks, frozen in blind imitation of the ancients. Without deliberation or consideration of the truth of the matter, they rejected and repudiated the new sciences. They passed for learned men, while all the time they were ignoramuses, fond of disparaging what they called 'the philosophical sciences', and know-ing nothing of earth or sky. The admonition 'Have they not contemplated the Kingdom of Heaven and Earth?" (Kor. 7:184) made no impression on them: they thought 'contemplating' the world and the firmament meant staring at them like a cow.

From the beginning of the Ottoman Empire till the time of the late Sultan Suleyman, whose abode is Paradise, scholars who combined the study of the sacred sciences with that of philosophy were held in high renown.

The Conqueror, Sultan Mehmed, had built the Eight Colleges, Colleges, and had written in his waqfiya 'Let work be carried on in accordance with the qanun', and had appointed lessons in the 'Notes on the Tajrid' and the 'Commentary on the Mawaqif', Those who came after put a stop to these lessons, as being 'philosophy', and thought it reasonable to give lessons on the Hidaya and Akmal. But as restriction to these was not reason-able, neither philosophy nor Hidāya and Akmal was left. Thereupon the market for learning in Rum (Turkey) slumped, and the men of learning were nigh to dis-appearing. Then the novices of scholars who were working 'in accordance with the qanun' in some out-lying places, here and there in the land of the Kurds, came to Rūm and began to give themselves tremendous airs. Seeing them, some capable men in our time became students of philosophy. As a student, I, the humble writer of these lines, in the course of discussion and study, was encouraged by some men of talent, as Plato was encouraged by Socrates, to acquire knowledge of the truths of things.

Both before and after Katip Celebi, similar remarks were made. It is not restricted to the Ottoman period or to Katip Celebi. Ibn Khaldun identified two areas of the Muslim world during the Mamluk period where, to the best of his knowledge, the intellectual disciplines were still thriving:

Muslim scientists assiduously studied the (Greek sciences). They became skilled in the various branches. The (progress they made in the) study of those sciences could not have been better. They contradicted the First Teacher (Aristotle) on many points. They considered him the decisive authority as to whether an opinion should be rejected or accepted, because he possessed the greatest fame. They wrote systematic works on the subject. They surpassed their predecessors in the intellectual sciences.

Abu Nasr al-Farabi and Abu 'Ali Ibn Sina (Avicenna) in the East, and Judge Abul-Walid b. Rushd (Averroes) and the wazir Abu Bakr b. as-Sa'igh (Avempace) in Spain, were among the greatest Muslim (philosophers), and there were others who reached the limit in the intellectual sciences. The men mentioned enjoy especial fame and prestige.

Many (scientists) restricted themselves to cultivating the mathematical disciplines and the related sciences of astrology, sorcery, and talismans. The most famous practitioners of these sciences were Jabir b. Hayyan in the East, and the Spaniard, Maslamah b. Ahmad al-Majriti, and his pupils.

The intellectual sciences and their representatives succeeded to some degree in penetrating Islam. They seduced many people who were eager to study those sciences and accept the opinions expressed in them. In this respect, the sin falls' upon the person who commits it. "If God had wanted it, they would not have done it."

Later on, civilizational activity stopped in the Maghrib and in Spain. The sciences decreased with the decrease of civilization. As a consequence, scientific activity disappeared there, save for a few remnants that may be found among scattered individuals and that are controlled by orthodox religious scholars.

We hear that the intellectual sciences are still amply represented among the inhabitants of the East, in particular in the non-Arab 'Iraq and, farther east, in Transoxania. The people there are said to be very successful in the intellectual and traditional sciences, because their civilization is abundant and their sedentary culture firmly established.

In Egypt, I have become acquainted with numerous works by a great scholar of Herat in Khurasan, by name Sa'd-ad-din at-Taftazani. Some of his works are on speculative theology, the principles of jurisprudence, and syntax and style (bayan). They show that he is well grounded in these sciences. They (also) contain things proving that he has studied and knows the philosophical sciences and is well versed in all the intellectual disciplines. "God aids whomever He wishes to aid." 

We further hear now that the philosophical sciences are greatly cultivated in the land of Rome and along the adjacent northern shore of the country of the European Christians. They are said to be studied there again and to be taught in numerous classes. Existing systematic expositions of them are said to be comprehensive, the people who know them numerous, and the students of them very many. God knows better what exists there. "He creates whatever He wishes, and His is the choice." 

Belief in the soul's transmigration in 13th-century Kurdistan

The thirteenth-century Kurdish Illuminationist philosopher al-Shahrazuri refers to the widespread belief in the transmigration of souls, a doctrine towards which he himself appears to have been sympathetic. Although beliefs of this kind seem to have been prevalent in Kurdish regions, detailed accounts from within these traditions, explaining their doctrines and different variations, are exceedingly rare. Al-Shahrazuri's writings are therefore particularly valuable.

One might reasonably ask what grounds there are for considering such beliefs widespread in Kurdish regions. There are two important indications. First, various forms of reincarnation have survived among Kurdish syncretic religious communities into the modern period. Second, al-Shahrazuri speaks of the spread of the belief in general terms, without restricting it to a particular community or locality. His account therefore suggests that he regarded it as a familiar and established doctrine in the broader religious landscape of his time, which included Kurdistan. Furthermore, testimonies of this kind strongly suggest that prevailing models of early majority (medieval) mass conversion to bare minimum Islam are mistaken.

Perhaps the most interesting question, however, is what purpose this doctrine was meant to serve. In al-Shahrazuri’s account, the transmigration of souls appears to offer an alternative to the idea of eternal punishment in hell. It forms part of a fundamentally optimistic vision of humanity’s ultimate destiny. Souls burdened by moral imperfections are reborn in animal bodies, where they undergo a process of purification. Once their deficiencies have been overcome, they can ascend to a higher state of existence. The final destination is the “World of Intellect,” to which every soul is ultimately destined to return. It is a strikingly hopeful conception of human destiny, and one that differs considerably from the Islamic doctrine of the afterlife.

Shahrazuri (13th century) writes:

There is no nation and no people among whom the doctrine of metempsychosis has not taken a strong hold, even if they differ regarding its modalities, details, and forms, since such differences do not affect the affirmation of metempsychosis itself.

If you reflect on the earlier principles, namely that every soul possesses a general perfection, this consists in becoming abstracted from matter. Divine mercy requires that every perfection potentially present within a soul should eventually reach actuality through the successive regenerations that occur in that world. Even if this were achieved only through the mutual connection of souls and the emanation of lights, that alone would suffice to eliminate defective dispositions, whether intellectual or practical.

An Italian in early 19th-century Kurdistan

Campanile was an Italian who traveled through the Kurdish principalities and authored a book about the region, which included notes on the customs and traditions prevalent in the region. In 1810, he traveled through Baban country, and described the Babans as follows:

Kurdish governors in 15th-century Spain

Letters written to the Spanish Christian side in the fifteenth century mention Abu al-Qasim al-Kurdi. The letters show that the Muslim side is making an effort to maintain a long-term ceasefire and harmony between the two sides. Setenil was ruled by Abu al Qasim and his son Ahmad. 

One of Spain's final Muslim strongholds was Setenil. Continuous sieges were imposed on the town between 1407 and 1484. When Ahmad was the governor in 1484, the town was taken after numerous efforts.After the town was taken, Ahmad and his extended family managed to survive. By the end of the 15th century, family members were mentioned in court records. They relocated to Morocco after leaving Andalusia. 

Source: https://www.academia.edu/3623663/Cartas_%C3%A1rabes_malague%C3%B1as

Nasir Khosrow's 11th-century travel to Kurdish regions: "Kurdish" as "Parsi"

Premodern visitors' observations about the people of different premodern places serve as helpful resources for identifying the differences between the premodern and our current classification of languages. Nasir Khosrow's account of the languages spoken by the Xelat people is the intriguing section. The text's ambiguity stems from the premodern's lack of rigorous investigation into "local vernacular." The 'local variants' were not described by a complex system of classification. 

In the eleventh century (and many centuries later), Kurdish as a named linguistic unit had not yet been developed in any consistent manner. The 'Parsi' (Persian) mentioned by Khosrow is not the modern meaning of Parsi/Persian. For many premodern authors, Kurdish as a language/languages was categorized as either Parsi or Pahlavi. When premodern authors used the term "pahlavi" to refer to regional Iranian vernaculars, it was beautiful because it made it clear how different the languages were from Persian, in particular. In the absence of any other (linguistic) categories, many authors attempted to capture local Iranian vernaculars by using the terms "pahlavi" and "parsi" interchangeably, which adds another level of complication to the interpretation of these texts.

Nasir Khosrow had to pass through the Kurdish Rawadid dynasty's realm before arriving at the Marwanids. Nasir Khosrow's account of the dynasty is brief, but the poet he met in Tabriz provides more information about the current Kurdish rulers of the area. The 11th-century Kurdish dignitaries were the target audience for several of Qatran Tabrizi's praise songs. The poems convey the cultural attitudes of the era in addition to offering information about these individuals, making them educational.

Nasir Khosrow (11th-century): 

On the 14th of Rabī I [18 September] I parted from Tabriz on the Marand road and, accompanied by one of Prince Vahsu-dān's soldiers, came to Khoy. From there also I traveled with a courier up to Bargri. From Khoy to Bargri is thirty parasangs. We arrived on the 12th of Jomādā I [14 November]. From there we came to Vân and Vastān, where they sell pork in the bazaar as well as lamb. Men and women sit drinking wine in the shops without the slightest inhibition. From there we arrived in the city of Akhlat on the 18th of Jomādā I [20 November]. This city is the border town between the Muslims and the Armenians, and from Bargri it is nineteen parasangs. The prince, Nasr al-Dawla, was over a hundred years old and had many sons, to each of whom he had given a district. In the city of Akhlat they speak three languages, Arabic, Persian, and Armenian. It is my supposition that this is why they named the town Akhlāt. Their com-mercial transactions are carried on in cash money, and their rotl is equivalent to three hundred dirhems.

On the 20th of Jomādā [22 November] I left there and came to an outpost. It was snowing and extremely cold. On the plain up to the town there is a section of the road with planks laid on the ground so that on snowy and blizzardy days people can find their way over the wood. From there I went on to Betlis, which lies in a valley. We bought some honey, a hundred maunds for one dinar, at the rate they sold to us. We were told that in this town there were men who produced three to four hundred jars of honey a year. Leaving that place, I saw a fortress called Qef Onzor, which means "stop and look." Passing on, I came to a place where there was a mosque said to have been built by Oways Qarani. There I saw men who roamed about the mountainsides and cut a wood something like cypress. I asked what they did with it, and they explained that when one end of this wood is placed in fire, pitch comes out the other end. It is then collected in pits, put into containers, and sent all over for sale. The regions that I have briefly mentioned after Akhlāt are de-pendencies of Mayyāfäreqin. We went to the town of Arzan, which is a flourishing place with running water and orchards, gardens, and good bazaars. During the Persian month of Adhar they were selling two hundred maunds of grapes, which they call raz-e armānush, for one dinar.

The Region of Diyār Bakr

From there we went to Mayyāfāreqin, which is 28 parasangs distant. From Balkh to Mayyäfäreqin by the way we came was 552 parasangs. It was Friday the 26th of Jomādā I 438 [28 No-vember 1046]. At the time the leaves on the trees were still green. The place has an enormous fortification made of white stone, each slab of which weighs five hundred maunds, and every fifty ells is a huge tower of this same white stone. The top of the rampart is all crenellated and looks as though the master builder had just finished working on it. The city has one gate on the west side set in a large gateway with a masonry arch and an iron door with no wood in it. It has a Friday mosque that would take too long to describe. Briefly, the ablution pool faces forty chambers, through each of which run two large canals, one of which is visible and is for use, while the other is concealed be-  neath the earth and is for carrying away refuse and flushing the cisterns. Outside of the city are caravanserais and bazaars, baths, and another congregational mosque used on Fridays. To the north is another town called Mohdatha, and it too has bazaars, a congregational mosque, and baths, all of which are well laid out. In the sermon they style the sultan of the district thus: the Great Prince 'Ezz al-Eslām Sa'd al-Din Nasr al-Dawla Sharaf al-Mella Abu Nasr Ahmad, and he is said to be a hundred years old. The rotl there is equal to 480 stone dirhems. That same prince has built a city at a distance of four parasangs from Mayyāfāreqin and called it Nasriyya. From Amed to Mayyāfāreqin is nine parasangs.

On the 6th of Day, old reckoning, we arrived in Amed, the foundation of which is laid on a monolith rock. The length of the city is two thousand paces, and the breadth the same. There is a wall all around made of black rock, each slab weighing be-tween a hundred and a thousand maunds. The facing of these stones is so expert that they fit together exactly, needing no mud or plaster in between. The height of the wall is twenty cubits, and the width ten. Every hundred ells there is a tower, the half circumference of which is eighty ells. The crenellations are also of this same black stone. Inside the city are many stone stairs by means of which one can go up onto the ramparts, and atop every tower is an embrasure. The city has four gates, all of iron with no wood, and each gate faces one of the four cardinal directions. The east gate is called the Tigris Gate, the west gate the Byzan-tine Gate, the north the Armenian Gate, and the south the Tell Gate. Outside this wall just described is yet another wall, made of that same stone, the height of which is ten ells and the top of which is completely covered with crenellations. Inside the cren-ellation is a passageway wide enough for a totally armed man to pass and to stop and fight with ease. The outside wall also has iron gates, placed directly opposite the gates in the inside wall so that when one passes from a gate in the first wall one must trav-erse a space of fifteen ells before reaching the gate in the second wall. Inside the city is a spring that flows from a granite rock about the size of five millstones. The water is extremely pleasant, but no one knows where the source is. The city has many or-chards and trees thanks to that water. The ruling prince of the city is a son of that Nasr al-Dawla who has been mentioned. I have seen many a city and fortress around the world in the lands of the Arabs, Persians, Hindus, and Turks, but never have I seen the likes of Amed on the face of the earth or have I heard anyone else say that he had seen its equal. The congregational mosque too is of black stone, and a more perfect, stronger con-struction cannot be imagined. Inside the mosque stand two-hun-dred-odd stone columns, all of which are monolithic. Above the columns are stone arches, and above the arches is another colon-nade shorter than the first. Above that is yet another row of arches. All the roofs are peaked, and all the masonry is carved and painted with designs. In the courtyard of the mosque is placed a large stone atop which is a large, round pool of stone. It is as high as a man, and the circumference is ten ells. From the middle of the pool protrudes a brass waterspout from which shoots clean water; it is constructed so that the entrance and the drain for the water are not visible. The enormous ablution pool is the most beautiful thing imaginable-only the stone from which Āmed is built is all black, while that of Mayyāfāreqin is white. Near the mosque is a large church, elaborately made of the same stone, and the floor is laid in marble designs. Beneath the dome, which is the Christians' place of worship, I saw a lat-ticed iron door, the likes of which I had never seen before.

From Amed to Harran there are two roads: along one of them are no settlements, and this one is forty parasangs long; along the other road are many villages, most of the inhabitants of which are Christian, and that way is sixty parasangs long. We went by caravan along the settled route. The plain is extremely level except for a few places so rocky that the animals could hardly go a pace without stepping on a rock. 

In Tabriz I saw a poet named Qatran, who wrote decent po-etry, but he could not speak Persian very well. He came to me and brought the works of Manjik and Daqiqi, which read aloud to me. Whenever he came across a meaning too subtle for him, he asked me. I explained it to him and he wrote it down. He also recited his own poetry to me.